Quadrant Model of Reality Book 37 Science and Religion

The quadrant theory is a theory of intelligent design describing that reality is organized around a pattern called the quadrant model pattern. Previous books discuss the nature of this pattern.

March 21 Facebook-11:00

Science Chapter

Physics Chapter

QMRThe 1966 Palomares B-52 crash, or the Palomares incident, occurred on 17 January 1966, when a B-52G bomber of the United States Air Force's Strategic Air Command collided with a KC-135 tanker during mid-air refuelling at 31,000 feet (9,450 m) over the Mediterranean Sea, off the coast of Spain. The KC-135 was completely destroyed when its fuel load ignited, killing all four crew members. The B-52G broke apart, killing three of the seven crew members aboard.[1] Of the four Mk28-type hydrogen bombs the B-52G carried,[2] three were found on land near the small fishing village of Palomares in the municipality of Cuevas del Almanzora, Almería, Spain. The non-nuclear explosives in two of the weapons detonated upon impact with the ground, resulting in the contamination of a 2-square-kilometer (490-acre) (0.78 square mile) area by plutonium. The fourth, which fell into the Mediterranean Sea, was recovered intact after a 2½-month-long search.[3]

Plant shutdown and decommissioning[edit] After the explosion at Reactor No. 4, the remaining three reactors at the power plant continued to operate. In 1991, Reactor No. 2 suffered a major fire, and was subsequently shut down.[13] In November 1996, Reactor No. 1 was shut down, followed by Reactor No. 3 in 2000. This would normally require several years, but the complication of Reactor No. 4's explosion and current state has already extended the time required, and will continue to do so for many years more. The first stage of decommissioning is the removal of the highly radioactive spent nuclear fuel, which is placed in deep water cooling ponds. However, storage facilities for this are not suitable for long term containment, and those on site do not have the capacity for all the spent fuel from reactors 1, 2 and 3. A second facility is planned for construction that will use dry storage technology suitable for long term storage and have the required capacity.[14] The schedule for plant decommissioning is intimately wrapped with the dismantling of Reactor No. 4 and the decontamination of its environs. The Chernobyl New Safe Confinement will have equipment which will make decommissioning relatively incidental to, yet an integral part of, the cleanup of the exploded reactor. The Chernobyl Nuclear Power Plant had no reactors left to run the turbines so the generators could not run. Removal of uncontaminated equipment has begun at Reactor No. 1 and this work could be complete by 2020–2022.[15] Main article: Chernobyl disaster § Radioactive waste management The remains of Reactor No. 4 will remain radioactive for 1000 years. The isotope responsible for the majority of the external gamma radiation dose at the site is caesium-137, which has a half-life of about 30 years. Thus the radiation exposure from that radionuclide has almost declined to half of the original value right after the explosion. It is likely that no further decontamination work will take place until the gamma ray dosage at the site has returned to background levels in about 300 years. However, most of the alpha emitters are longer lived, and the soil and many surfaces in and around the plant are likely to remain contaminated with (uranium) fuel and transuranic metals such as plutonium and americium, which have much longer half-lives. It is planned that the reactor buildings will be disassembled as soon as it is safe to do so in terms of exposure to radiation; there are hopes that future technology will facilitate cleanup of those materials without having to await the long time for the radiation to fall to an acceptable level.

Accidents[edit] 1982 Reactor No. 1[edit] On September 9, 1982, a partial core meltdown occurred in Reactor No. 1 at the Chernobyl plant. The extent of the accident was not made public until several years later. The reactor was repaired and put back into operation within months.[7] 1986 Disaster Reactor No. 4[edit] Reactor No. 4 with its enclosing sarcophagus. Main articles: Chernobyl disaster and Effects of the Chernobyl disaster On Saturday, April 26, 1986, a disaster occurred at Reactor No. 4, which has been widely regarded as the worst accident in the history of nuclear power in the world. As a result, Reactor No. 4 was completely destroyed and is being enclosed in a concrete and lead sarcophagus to prevent further escape of radioactivity. Large areas of Europe were affected by the accident. The radioactive cloud spread as far away as Norway. 1991 fire Reactor No. 2[edit] The Chernobyl Nuclear Plant utilized one large, open turbine hall for all four reactors without any separating walls. Each reactor had two turbines. On October 11, 1991, a fire broke out in the turbine hall of Reactor No. 2.[8] The fire began in Reactor No. 2's Turbine 4 (ТГ-4 in Russian) while the turbine was being idled for repairs. A faulty switch caused a surge of current to the turbine, igniting insulating material on some electrical wiring.[9] This subsequently led to hydrogen, used as a turbine coolant, being leaked into the turbine hall "which apparently created the conditions for fire to start in the roof and for one of the trusses supporting the roof to collapse." [10] The adjacent reactor hall and reactor were unaffected. Ukraine's 1991 independence from the Soviet Union generated further discussion on the Chernobyl topic, because the Rada, Ukraine's new parliament, was composed largely of young reformers. Discussions about the future of nuclear energy in Ukraine helped move the government toward the political decision to cancel the operation of Reactor No. 2. 2013 collapse[edit] On February 13, 2013, a 600-square-metre (6,500-square-foot) portion of the roof and wall adjacent to the covered part of the turbine hall collapsed into the entombed area of the turbine hall. The collapse did not affect any other part of the Object Shelter or the New Safe Confinement. No variances in radiation levels as a result of the incident were detected.[11] The roof which collapsed was built after the Chernobyl disaster.[12]

The four accidents

Reactor fleet[edit] Four RMBK reactors were at Chernobyl, NPP. Chernobyl-3 performed a total power loss test like the kind that caused the accident at #4. Reactors #1-3 continued to operate until their shutdown in the 1990s. #5-#6 were cancelled while partially complete.

Monument and the fourth reactor.

QMRThe V.I. Lenin Nuclear Power Station (Russian: Чернобыльская АЭС им. В.И.Ленина) as it was known during the Soviet times, consisted of four reactors of type RBMK-1000, each capable of producing 1,000 megawatts (MW) of electric power (3.2 GW of thermal power), and the four together produced about 10% of Ukraine's electricity at the time of the accident.[2] The Chernobyl station is 18 km (11 mi) northwest of the city of Chernobyl, 16 km (9.9 mi) from the border of Ukraine and Belarus and about 100 km (62 mi) north of Kiev. Construction of the plant and the nearby city of Pripyat, Ukraine to house workers and their families began in 1970, with Reactor No. 1 commissioned in 1977. It was the third nuclear power station in the Soviet Union of the RBMK-type (after Leningrad and Kursk), and the first ever nuclear power plant on Ukrainian soil. The completion of the first reactor in 1977 was followed by Reactor No. 2 (1978), No. 3 (1981), and No. 4 (1983). Two more reactors, Nos. 5 and 6, capable of producing 1,000 MW each, were under construction at the time of the accident. Reactor No. 5 was about 70% complete at the time of the accident and was scheduled to start operating in November 7, 1986. However, the works were halted on January 1, 1988 leaving most of the machinery behind. Furthermore, a 6th reactor was planned in a new block of buildings scheduled to be completed in 1994. Reactor Nos. 3 and 4 were second generation units, whereas Nos. 1 and 2 were first-generation units (like those in operation at Kursk Nuclear Power Plant). Second-generation RBMK designs were fitted with a more secure accident localization system, as can be seen in pictures. It is fortunate that the accident happened in a second-generation unit; if it had happened in a first-generation unit, it could have been even more devastating. Today, many countries that were in the Soviet-led Eastern Bloc have been forced to shutdown such first-generation units as a condition to become members of the European Union, as they pose a threat to the environment.[3]

QMRFlow velocity is used to classify flows according to speed regime. Subsonic flows are flow fields in which air velocity throughout the entire flow is below the local speed of sound. Transonic flows include both regions of subsonic flow and regions in which the flow speed is greater than the speed of sound. Supersonic flows are defined to be flows in which the flow speed is greater than the speed of sound everywhere. A fourth classification, hypersonic flow, refers to flows where the flow speed is much greater than the speed of sound. Aerodynamicists disagree on the precise definition of hypersonic flow.

QMRIn 1799, Sir George Cayley became the first person to identify the four aerodynamic forces of flight (weight, lift, drag, and thrust), as well as the relationships between them,[9][10] outlining the work towards achieving heavier-than-air flight for the next century. In 1871, Francis Herbert Wenham constructed the first wind tunnel, allowing precise measurements of aerodynamic forces. Drag theories were developed by Jean le Rond d'Alembert,[11] Gustav Kirchhoff,[12] and Lord Rayleigh.[13] In 1889, Charles Renard, a French aeronautical engineer, became the first person to reasonably predict the power needed for sustained flight.[14] Otto Lilienthal, the first person to become highly successful with glider flights, was also the first to propose thin, curved airfoils that would produce high lift and low drag. Building on these developments as well as research carried out in their own wind tunnel, the Wright brothers flew the first powered airplane on December 17, 1903.

QMRJames Clerk Maxwell discovered that he could combine four simple equations, which had been previously discovered, along with a slight modification to describe self-propagating waves of oscillating electric and magnetic fields. When the propagation speed of these electromagnetic waves was calculated, the speed of light fell out. It quickly became apparent that visible light, ultraviolet light, and infrared light (phenomena thought previously to be unrelated) were all electromagnetic waves of differing frequency. The wave theory had prevailed—or at least it seemed to.

QMRBigDog[edit] Main article: BigDog BigDog was a quadrupedal robot created in 2005 by Boston Dynamics, in conjunction with Foster-Miller, the Jet Propulsion Laboratory, and the Harvard University Concord Field Station.[7] It was funded by the DARPA in the hopes that it will be able to serve as a robotic pack mule to accompany soldiers in terrain too rough for vehicles, but the project was shelved after BigDog was deemed too loud to be used in combat[8][9] Instead of wheels, BigDog used four legs for movement, allowing it to move across surfaces that would defeat wheels. Called "the world's most ambitious legged robot", it was designed to carry 340 pounds (150 kg) alongside a soldier at 4 miles per hour (6.4 km/h; 1.8 m/s), traversing rough terrain at inclines up to 35 degrees.[10] Legged Squad Support Systems (LS3) is similar to the BigDog.[11] Cheetah[edit] The Cheetah is a four-footed robot that gallops at 28 miles per hour (45 km/h; 13 m/s), which as of August 2012 is a land speed record for legged robots. The previous record was 13.1 miles per hour (21.1 km/h; 5.9 m/s), set in 1989 at MIT. Cheetah development is funded by DARPA's Maximum Mobility and Manipulation program.[citation needed] This robot has an articulated back that flexes back and forth on each step, thereby increasing its stride and running speed, much like the animal does. The original Cheetah robot runs on a high-speed treadmill in the laboratory where it is powered by an off-board hydraulic pump and uses a boom-like device to keep it running in the center of the treadmill. A free-running Cheetah that will operate more naturally in the field, named the WildCat, was unveiled to the public on October 3, 2013.[12] A similar but independently developed robot also known as Cheetah is made by MIT's Biomimetic Robotics Lab,[13] which, by 2014, could jump over obstacles while running.[14][15] LittleDog[edit] LittleDog is a small quadruped robot developed for DARPA by Boston Dynamics for research. Unlike BigDog, which is run by Boston Dynamics, LittleDog is intended as a testbed for other institutions. Boston Dynamics maintains the robots for DARPA as a standard platform.[16][17] LittleDog has four legs, each powered by three electric motors. The legs have a large range of motion. The robot is strong enough for climbing and dynamic locomotion gaits. The onboard PC-level computer does sensing, actuator control and communications. LittleDog's sensors measure joint angles, motor currents, body orientation and foot/ground contact. Control programs access the robot through the Boston Dynamics Robot API. Onboard lithium polymer batteries allow for 30 minutes of continuous operation without recharging. Wireless communications and data logging support remote operation and data analysis. LittleDog development is funded by the DARPA Information Processing Technology Office.[18] RiSE

QMRBigDog is a dynamically stable quadruped robot created in 2005 by Boston Dynamics with Foster-Miller, the NASA Jet Propulsion Laboratory, and the Harvard University Concord Field Station.[1] It was funded by DARPA, but the project was shelved after the BigDog was deemed too loud for combat.[2] Contents [hide] 1 History 1.1 Discontinuation 2 Hardware 3 See also 4 References 5 External links History[edit] Image from the DARPA Strategic Plan (2007)[3] BigDog was funded by the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA) in the hopes that it will be able to serve as a robotic pack mule to accompany soldiers in terrain too rough for conventional vehicles. Instead of wheels or treads, BigDog uses four legs for movement, allowing it to move across surfaces that would defeat wheels. The legs contain a variety of sensors, including joint position and ground contact. BigDog also features a laser gyroscope and a stereo vision system. BigDog is 3 feet (0.91 m) long, stands 2.5 feet (0.76 m) tall, and weighs 240 pounds (110 kg), about the size of a small mule. It is capable of traversing difficult terrain, running at 4 miles per hour (6.4 km/h), carrying 340 pounds (150 kg), and climbing a 35 degree incline.[1] Locomotion is controlled by an onboard computer that receives input from the robot's various sensors. Navigation and balance are also managed by the control system. BigDog's walking pattern is controlled through four legs, each equipped with four low-friction hydraulic cylinder actuators that power the joints. "The BigDog robot, labelled as a military robot mule, has subsequently proven its potential worth in its ability to reduce load and remove that burden from a soldier's back."[citation needed] The BigDog project was headed by Dr. Martin Buehler, who, in 2012, received the Joseph F. Engelberger Award from the Robotics Industries Association for the work.[4] Dr. Buehler while previously a professor at McGill University, headed the robotics lab there, developing four-legged walking and running robots.[5] Built onto the actuators are sensors for joint position and force, and movement is ultimately controlled through an onboard computer which manages the sensors. Approximately 50 sensors are located on BigDog. These measure the attitude and acceleration of the body, motion and force of joint actuators as well as engine speed, temperature and hydraulic pressure inside the robot's internal engine. Low-level control, such as position and force of the joints, and high-level control such as velocity and altitude during locomotion, are both controlled through the onboard computer. BigDog was featured in episodes of Web Junk 20 and Hungry Beast, and in articles in New Scientist,[6] Popular Science, Popular Mechanics, and The Wall Street Journal. On March 18, 2008, Boston Dynamics released video footage of a new generation of BigDog known as AlphaDog.[7] The footage shows BigDog's ability to walk on icy terrain and recover its balance when kicked from the side.[8] The refined equivalent has been designed by Boston Dynamics to exceed the BigDog in terms of capabilities and use to dismounted soldiers. In February 2012, with further DARPA support, the militarized Legged Squad Support System (LS3) variant of BigDog demonstrated its capabilities during a hike over tough terrain.[citation needed] Starting in the summer of 2012, DARPA planned to complete the overall development of the system and refine its key capabilities in 18 months, ensuring its worth to dismounted warfighters before it is rolled out to squads operating in theatre. BigDog must be able to demonstrate its ability to complete a 20 mi (32 km) trek within 24 hours without refuelling while carrying a load of 400 lb (180 kg), whereas a refinement of its vision sensors will also be conducted. At the end of February 2013, Boston Dynamics released video footage of a modified BigDog with an arm. The arm can pick up objects and throw them. The robot is relying on its legs and torso to help power the motions of the arm. The news writer supposed it can lift weights around 50 pounds (23 kg).[9] Discontinuation[edit] At the end of December 2015, the BigDog project was discontinued. Despite hopes that it would one day work as a pack mule for US soldiers in the field, the petrol-powered engine was deemed too noisy for use in combat. A similar project for an all-electric robot named Spot was much quieter, but could only carry 40 pounds (18 kg). Both projects are no longer in progress.[10][2] Hardware[edit] BigDog is powered by a two-stroke, one-cylinder, 15-brake-horsepower (11 kW) go-kart engine operating at over 9,000 RPM. The engine drives a hydraulic pump, which in turn drives the hydraulic leg actuators. Each leg has four actuators (two for the hip joint, and one each for the knee and ankle joints), for a total of 16. Each actuator unit consists of a hydraulic cylinder, servo valve, position sensor, and force sensor. Onboard computing power is a ruggedized PC/104 board stack with a Pentium 4 class computer running QNX.[11]

QMRStructure formation Main article: Structure formation Abell 2744 galaxy cluster - Hubble Frontier Fields view.[31] Over a long period of time, the slightly denser regions of the nearly uniformly distributed matter gravitationally attracted nearby matter and thus grew even denser, forming gas clouds, stars, galaxies, and the other astronomical structures observable today.[4] The details of this process depend on the amount and type of matter in the universe. The four possible types of matter are known as cold dark matter, warm dark matter, hot dark matter, and baryonic matter. The best measurements available (from WMAP) show that the data is well-fit by a Lambda-CDM model in which dark matter is assumed to be cold (warm dark matter is ruled out by early reionization[32]), and is estimated to make up about 23% of the matter/energy of the universe, while baryonic matter makes up about 4.6%.[33] In an "extended model" which includes hot dark matter in the form of neutrinos, then if the "physical baryon density" Ωbh2 is estimated at about 0.023 (this is different from the 'baryon density' Ωb expressed as a fraction of the total matter/energy density, which as noted above is about 0.046), and the corresponding cold dark matter density Ωch2 is about 0.11, the corresponding neutrino density Ωvh2 is estimated to be less than 0.0062

QMRATTITUDE FLYING[edit] In contact (VFR) flying, flying by attitude means visually establishing the airplane’s attitude with reference to the natural horizon. [Figure 3-1] Attitude is the angular difference measured between an airplane’s axis and the line of the Earth’s horizon. Pitch attitude is the angle formed by the longitudinal axis, and bank attitude is the angle formed by the lateral axis. Figure 3-1. Airplane attitude is based on relative positions of the nose and wings on the natural horizon. Rotation about the airplane’s vertical axis (yaw) is termed an attitude relative to the airplane’s flightpath, but not relative to the natural horizon. In attitude flying, airplane control is composed of four components: pitch control, bank control, power control, and trim. Pitch control is the control of the airplane about the lateral axis by using the elevator to raise and lower the nose in relation to the natural horizon. Bank control is control of the airplane about the longitudinal axis by use of the ailerons to attain a desired bank angle in relation to the natural horizon. Power control is used when the flight situation indicates a need for a change in thrust. Trim is used to relieve all possible control pressures held after a desired attitude has been attained

QMRTHE FOUR FUNDAMENTALS[edit] There are four fundamental basic flight maneuvers upon which all flying tasks are based: straight-and-level flight, turns, climbs, and descents. All controlled flight consists of one or a combination of these basic maneuvers. If a student pilot is able to perform these maneuvers well, and the student’s proficiency is based on accurate "feel" and control analysis rather than mechanical movements, the ability to perform any assigned maneuver will only be a matter of obtaining a clear visual and mental conception of it. The flight instructor must impart a good knowledge of these basic elements to the student, and must combine them and plan their practice so that perfect performance of each is instinctive without conscious effort. The importance of this to the success of flight training cannot be overemphasized. As the student progresses to more complex maneuvers, discounting any difficulties in visualizing the maneuvers, most student difficulties will be caused by a lack of training, practice, or understanding of the principles of one or more of these fundamentals. l

QMRThe Blue Angels F/A-18 Hornets fly in their trademark tight diamond formation, maintaining 18-inch wing tip to canopy separation.

16 is the squares of the quadrant modelA diamond formation is a formation of four or more aircraft, soldiers on horseback, players in a team sport, etc. whereby the position of the individuals when viewed as a whole resembles a diamond, or kite, shape. Contents [hide] 1 Aircraft 2 Military 3 Sport 3.1 Football 3.2 Ice Hockey 4 See also 5 References Aircraft[edit] The Black Arrows in diamond formation at the Farnborough Air Show. A diamond formation is done by starting with one aircraft, and then increasing by one, the number of aircraft in each successive row, and then decreasing again by one until there is only one aircraft in the last row, e.g. 1, 2, 3, 2, 1. The flight position is such that there is no aircraft facing the tail of any aircraft in front. At least four aircraft are required for this formation. The largest number of sixteen (1, 2, 3, 4, 3, 2, 1) is known as a "tight formation". Rarely attempted on jet aircraft, this feat was first achieved by the Pakistan Air Force in Feb of 1958 on U.S.-made F-86 Sabres. It is considered a difficult formation as the aircraft have to fly very close to each other, and the closer the planes are together, the more authentic is the formation. Similarly, the larger the number of aircraft, the higher the risk involved (as compared to other formations). Military[edit] Diamond formations have been used in warfare particularly by cavalry throughout known history.[1] Sport[edit] Football[edit] Main article: Formation (association football) § 4–4–2_diamond_or_4–1–2–1–2 A formation in association football where the four midfield players are positioned in the shape of a diamond. Ice Hockey[edit] A defensive formation used during a penalty kill.

QMRA hesitation roll can theoretically consist of an infinite number of stopping points during the roll, but rarely does one contain more than eight. The most common rolls are the two, three, and four-point rolls

QMRStructure of the Higgs field[edit] In the standard model, the Higgs field is an SU(2) doublet, a complex scalar with four real components (or equivalently with two complex components). Its (weak hypercharge) U(1) charge is 1. That means that it transforms as a spinor under SU(2). Under U(1) rotations, it is multiplied by a phase, which thus mixes the real and imaginary parts of the complex spinor into each other—so this is not the same as two complex spinors mixing under U(1) (which would have eight real components between them), but instead is the spinor representation of the group U(2). The Higgs field, through the interactions specified (summarized, represented, or even simulated) by its potential, induces spontaneous breaking of three out of the four generators ("directions") of the gauge group SU(2) × U(1): three out of its four components would ordinarily amount to Goldstone bosons, if they were not coupled to gauge fields. However, after symmetry breaking, these three of the four degrees of freedom in the Higgs field mix with the three W and Z bosons (W+, W− and Z), and are only observable as spin components of these weak bosons, which are now massive; while the one remaining degree of freedom becomes the Higgs boson—a new scalar particle.

QMRExtended supersymmetry[edit]

Main article: Extended supersymmetry

It is possible to have more than one kind of supersymmetry transformation. Theories with more than one supersymmetry transformation are known as extended supersymmetric theories. The more supersymmetry a theory has, the more constrained are the field content and interactions. Typically the number of copies of a supersymmetry is a power of 2, i.e. 1, 2, 4, 8. In four dimensions, a spinor has four degrees of freedom and thus the minimal number of supersymmetry generators is four in four dimensions and having eight copies of supersymmetry means that there are 32 supersymmetry generators.

The maximal number of supersymmetry generators possible is 32. Theories with more than 32 supersymmetry generators automatically have massless fields with spin greater than 2. It is not known how to make massless fields with spin greater than two interact, so the maximal number of supersymmetry generators considered is 32. This is due to the Weinberg-Witten theorem. This corresponds to an N = 8 supersymmetry theory. Theories with 32 supersymmetries automatically have a graviton.

For four dimensions there are the following theories, with the corresponding multiplets[26](CPT adds a copy, whenever they are not invariant under such symmetry)

N = 1 Chiral multiplet: (0,1⁄2) Vector multiplet: (1⁄2,1) Gravitino multiplet: (1,3⁄2) Graviton multiplet: (3⁄2,2) N = 2 hypermultiplet: (-1⁄2,02,1⁄2) vector multiplet: (0,1⁄22,1) supergravity multiplet: (1,3⁄22,2) N = 4 Vector multiplet: (-1,-1⁄24,06,1⁄24,1) Supergravity multiplet: (0,1⁄24,16,3⁄24,2) N = 8 Supergravity multiplet: (-2,-3⁄28,-128,-1⁄256,070,1⁄256,128,3⁄28,2)

QMROne reason that physicists explored supersymmetry is because it offers an extension to the more familiar symmetries of quantum field theory. These symmetries are grouped into the Poincaré group and internal symmetries and the Coleman–Mandula theorem showed that under certain assumptions, the symmetries of the S-matrix must be a direct product of the Poincaré group with a compact internal symmetry group or if there is not any mass gap, the conformal group with a compact internal symmetry group. During 1971 Golfand and Likhtman were the first to show that the Poincaré algebra can be extended through introduction of four anticommuting spinor generators (in four dimensions), which later became known as supercharges. During 1975 the Haag-Lopuszanski-Sohnius theorem analyzed all possible superalgebras in the general form, including those with an extended number of the supergenerators and central charges. This extended super-Poincaré algebra paved the way for obtaining a very large and important class of supersymmetric field theories.

QMRThe Standard Model of elementary particles, with the fermions in the first three columns, the gauge bosons in the fourth column, and the Higgs boson in the fifth column These are the 16 squares. The first three quadrants with 12 squares are normal fermions. The fourth quadrant is different- it is gauge bosons. But gauge bosons encompass the previous quadrants. The fourth is different yet contains the previous three. The 17th particle the Higgs Boson, which is in the fifth quadrant is the God particle. The fifth quadrant is related to God/Being. The fifth is always questionable

Chemistry Chapter

QMRLaws of thermodynamics[edit] Main article: Laws of thermodynamics Thermodynamics states a set of four laws that are valid for all systems that fall within the constraints implied by each. In the various theoretical descriptions of thermodynamics these laws may be expressed in seemingly differing forms, but the most prominent formulations are the following: Zeroth law of thermodynamics: If two systems are each in thermal equilibrium with a third, they are also in thermal equilibrium with each other. This statement implies that thermal equilibrium is an equivalence relation on the set of thermodynamic systems under consideration. Systems are said to be in thermal equilibrium with each other if spontaneous molecular thermal energy exchanges between them do not lead to a net exchange of energy. This law is tacitly assumed in every measurement of temperature. For two bodies known to be at the same temperature, deciding if they are in thermal equilibrium when put into thermal contact does not require actually bringing them into contact and measuring any changes of their observable properties in time.[65] In traditional statements, the law provides an empirical definition of temperature and justification for the construction of practical thermometers. In contrast to absolute thermodynamic temperatures, empirical temperatures are measured just by the mechanical properties of bodies, such as their volumes, without reliance on the concepts of energy, entropy or the first, second, or third laws of thermodynamics.[56][66] Empirical temperatures lead to calorimetry for heat transfer in terms of the mechanical properties of bodies, without reliance on mechanical concepts of energy. The physical content of the zeroth law has long been recognized. For example, Rankine in 1853 defined temperature as follows: "Two portions of matter are said to have equal temperatures when neither tends to communicate heat to the other."[67] Maxwell in 1872 stated a "Law of Equal Temperatures".[68] He also stated: "All Heat is of the same kind."[69] Planck explicitly assumed and stated it in its customary present-day wording in his formulation of the first two laws.[70] By the time the desire arose to number it as a law, the other three had already been assigned numbers, and so it was designated the zeroth law. First law of thermodynamics: The increase in internal energy of a closed system is equal to the difference of the heat supplied to the system and the work done by the system: ΔU = Q − W [71][72][73][74][75][76][77][78][79][80](Note that due to the ambiguity of what constitutes positive work, some sources state that ΔU = Q + W, in which case work done on the system is positive.) The first law of thermodynamics asserts the existence of a state variable for a system, the internal energy, and tells how it changes in thermodynamic processes. The law allows a given internal energy of a system to be reached by any combination of heat and work. It is important that internal energy is a variable of state of the system (see Thermodynamic state) whereas heat and work are variables that describe processes or changes of the state of systems. The first law observes that the internal energy of an isolated system obeys the principle of conservation of energy, which states that energy can be transformed (changed from one form to another), but cannot be created or destroyed.[81][82][83][84][85] Second law of thermodynamics: Heat cannot spontaneously flow from a colder location to a hotter location. The second law of thermodynamics is an expression of the universal principle of dissipation of kinetic and potential energy observable in nature. The second law is an observation of the fact that over time, differences in temperature, pressure, and chemical potential tend to even out in a physical system that is isolated from the outside world. Entropy is a measure of how much this process has progressed. The entropy of an isolated system that is not in equilibrium tends to increase over time, approaching a maximum value at equilibrium. In classical thermodynamics, the second law is a basic postulate applicable to any system involving heat energy transfer; in statistical thermodynamics, the second law is a consequence of the assumed randomness of molecular chaos. There are many versions of the second law, but they all have the same effect, which is to explain the phenomenon of irreversibility in nature. Third law of thermodynamics: As a system approaches absolute zero the entropy of the system approaches a minimum value. The third law of thermodynamics is a statistical law of nature regarding entropy and the impossibility of reaching absolute zero of temperature. This law provides an absolute reference point for the determination of entropy. The entropy determined relative to this point is the absolute entropy. Alternate definitions of the third law are, "the entropy of all systems and of all states of a system is smallest at absolute zero," or equivalently "it is impossible to reach the absolute zero of temperature by any finite number of processes". Absolute zero is −273.15 °C (degrees Celsius), −459.67 °F (degrees Fahrenheit), 0 K (kelvin), or 0 R (Rankine).

QMRThere are four fundamental kinds of physical entities in thermodynamics: states of a system, and the states of its surrounding systems walls of a system,[20][21][22][23][24] thermodynamic processes of a system, and thermodynamic operations.

QMRThermodynamic potentials are different quantitative measures of the stored energy in a system. Potentials are used to measure energy changes in systems as they evolve from an initial state to a final state. The potential used depends on the constraints of the system, such as constant temperature or pressure. For example, the Helmholtz and Gibbs energies are the energies available in a system to do useful work when the temperature and volume or the pressure and temperature are fixed, respectively. The five most well known potentials are: Name Symbol Formula Natural variables Internal energy U \int ( T \text{d}S - p \text{d}V + \sum_i \mu_i \text{d}N_i ) S, V, \{N_i\} Helmholtz free energy F U-TS T, V, \{N_i\} Enthalpy H U+pV S, p, \{N_i\} Gibbs free energy G U+pV-TS T, p, \{N_i\} Landau Potential (Grand potential) \Omega, \Phi_\text{G} U - T S -\sum_i\,\mu_i N_i T, V, \{\mu_i\} where T is the temperature, S the entropy, p the pressure, V the volume, \mu the chemical potential, N the number of particles in the system, and i is the count of particles types in the system. Thermodynamic potentials can be derived from the energy balance equation applied to a thermodynamic system. Other thermodynamic potentials can also be obtained through Legendre transformation. These are based off of two dichotomies that creates a quadrant matrix. Usually there are only four because only four are needed. The fourth is different. The fifth is ultra transcendent

QMRStates and processes[edit] There are four fundamental kinds of entity in thermodynamics—states of a system, walls between systems, thermodynamic processes, and thermodynamic operations. This allows three fundamental approaches to thermodynamic reasoning—that in terms of states of thermodynamic equilibrium of a system, and that in terms of time-invariant processes of a system, and that in terms of cyclic processes of a system. The approach through states of thermodynamic equilibrium of a system requires a full account of the state of the system as well as a notion of process from one state to another of a system, but may require only an idealized or partial account of the state of the surroundings of the system or of other systems. The method of description in terms of states of thermodynamic equilibrium has limitations. For example, processes in a region of turbulent flow, or in a burning gas mixture, or in a Knudsen gas may be beyond "the province of thermodynamics".[89][90][91] This problem can sometimes be circumvented through the method of description in terms of cyclic or of time-invariant flow processes. This is part of the reason why the founders of thermodynamics often preferred the cyclic process description. Approaches through processes of time-invariant flow of a system are used for some studies. Some processes, for example Joule-Thomson expansion, are studied through steady-flow experiments, but can be accounted for by distinguishing the steady bulk flow kinetic energy from the internal energy, and thus can be regarded as within the scope of classical thermodynamics defined in terms of equilibrium states or of cyclic processes.[44][92] Other flow processes, for example thermoelectric effects, are essentially defined by the presence of differential flows or diffusion so that they cannot be adequately accounted for in terms of equilibrium states or classical cyclic processes.[93][94] The notion of a cyclic process does not require a full account of the state of the system, but does require a full account of how the process occasions transfers of matter and energy between the principal system (which is often called the working body) and its surroundings, which must include at least two heat reservoirs at different known and fixed temperatures, one hotter than the principal system and the other colder than it, as well as a reservoir that can receive energy from the system as work and can do work on the system. The reservoirs can alternatively be regarded as auxiliary idealized component systems, alongside the principal system. Thus an account in terms of cyclic processes requires at least four contributory component systems. The independent variables of this account are the amounts of energy that enter and leave the idealized auxiliary systems. In this kind of account, the working body is often regarded as a "black box",[95] and its own state is not specified. In this approach, the notion of a properly numerical scale of empirical temperature is a presupposition of thermodynamics, not a notion constructed by or derived from it.

QMRThe treatise On Ancient Medicine (Greek: Περὶ Ἀρχαίας Ἰατρικῆς) is perhaps the most intriguing and compelling work of the Hippocratic Corpus. The Corpus itself is a collection of about sixty writings covering all areas of medical thought and practice. Traditionally associated with Hippocrates, (c. 460 BC – c. 370 BC) the father of Western medicine, philological evidence now suggests that it was written over a period of several centuries and stylistically seems to indicate that it was the product of many authors dating from about 450-400 B.C. On the basis of its diverse arguments regarding the nature of medical therapeutics, the Hippocratic Corpus could be divided into four divisions or groups.

Hippocratic Corpus: structure[edit] Group I: The humoral theory of medicine proposed that our bodies were made up of diverse fluids, elements, or powers, that were considered to be the basic units or fundamental building blocks of all nature. Whereas, a more simplified and categorized version of this theory is usually associated with the four humors of black bile, blood, phlegm and yellow bile, the humoral theory as presented in Group I of the Hippocratic Corpus is never structured or schematized. Its approach to understanding the diverse cause of illnesses and their cures is empirical in nature.[1] It therefore, takes a more holistic view of the human organism which defines simple categorization of disease causality and treatment or cure. It places emphasis on physis (nature) or unitary vital force of the organism by which the physician must be guided. It is the self-healing powers of the human organism, the inner physician, which must always be consulted in the diagnosis and treatment of sickness. The interaction of the humors within man must always be seen in this light. Indeed, this group viewed the human organism as being composed of an infinite number of humors and that disease consists in the isolation of one of these humors within the organism leading to an imbalance which must be cured through coction of this humor, a process leading to the restoration of balance.[2] Group II: The proponents of this group argue that in addition to cure through coction and evacuation may be added the therapeutic approach of treatment of sickness through the administration of contraries. This could be in the form of dietary prescription but also medicinal substances. Medicinal substances are chosen on the basis of their indwelling powers or virtues, a method of analysis also applied in the diagnosis of disease in relation to the human organism.[3] Group III: This group utilizes an analytical approach to the diagnosis and treatment of sickness. It relies on the formation of hypotheses based on systematized views of the humoral activity and their corresponding treatments. Its medical theory could be described as rational versus empirical. Diseases and their causes are categorized as are their respective remedies. It places emphasis on cure by contraries and largely ignores the concept of the self-healing capacity of the organism. The organism and its environment are analyzed in terms of hypothesized causal processes. Treatment consists in opposing the humor, quality or power causing the disease by administering a remedy of opposite quality.[4] Group IV: This group according to Harris Coulter, "Consists of two works: Ancient Medicine and The Art. These two works provide analysis and critique of the therapeutic doctrine of Group three. The idea of cure through opposition between qualities is rejected, and a philosophical justification is given for the ideas underlying the works of Group 1."[5]

QMRTetrapolis (Greek: Τετράπολις) comprised one of the twelve districts into which Attica was divided before the time of Theseus. The district was on a plain in the northeastern part of Attica and contained four cities: Marathon (Μαραθών), Probalinthus (Προβάλινθος), Tricorythus (Τρικόρυθος), and Oenoe (Οἰνόη). Stephanus of Byzantium claimed Huttēnia (Ὑττηνία) was its name among the Pelasgoi.[1]

Biology Chapter

QMRForest succession is the process by which species recover and regenerate after a disturbance. The type of disturbance, the climate and weather conditions, the presence of colonizing species, and the interactions among species all influence the path that succession will take. Species diversity and composition fluctuate throughout succession. The classic model of succession is known as relay floristics and refers to a relay of dominant species. After a stand-replacing disturbance, shade-intolerant species colonize and grow into a dominant canopy, but due to their shade-intolerance they are unable to regenerate under their own canopy; the understory (composed of shade-tolerant species) gradually replaces the canopy, and due to its shade-tolerance it can regenerate under its own canopy and therefore becomes the dominant species.[5] Often succession is not so complete or directed as the relay floristics model describes. Species can be mid-tolerant of shade and survive by taking advantage of small amounts of light coming through the canopy, and further disturbances can create small gaps. These and other factors can lead to a mixture of dominant species and a not so obvious “end” to succession (climax community).[6] Many successional trajectories follow a basic four-stage development pattern. The first of these stages, stand initiation, occurs after a major disturbance and involves many species arriving in the area of abundant light and nutrients. The second stage, stem exclusion, describes the growth and competition of these species as resources become less available; likely one or a few species outcompetes and becomes stand-dominating. The third stage, understory reinitiation, involves further disturbance and the creation of gaps; at this point stratification develops, with layers of canopy, midstory, and understory appearing. The final stage, known as old-growth, is the extension and completion of the understory reinititation; a complex multi-aged and multi-layered forest has developed.[7]

QMRQuadrupedalism or pronograde posture is a form of terrestrial locomotion in animals using four limbs or legs. An animal or machine that usually moves in a quadrupedal manner is known as a quadruped, meaning "four feet" (from the Latin quad for "four" and ped for "foot"). The majority of quadrupeds are vertebrate animals, including mammals such as cattle, dogs and cats, and reptiles, like lizards. Worms, jellies, crustaceans, gastropods, cephalopods, echinoderms (sea stars, brittle stars, sea urchins, sea cucumbers etc.), millipedes, centipedes, arachnids, insects, fish, caecillians, snakes, birds, cetaceans (whales, dolphins etc.), and humans are usually not quadrupeds, with some exceptions; for example, among the insects, the praying mantis is a quadruped. A few birds may use quadrupedal movement in some circumstances; for example, the shoebill will sometimes use its wings to right itself after lunging at prey.[1]

QMRThe American crocodile (Crocodylus acutus) is a species of crocodilian found in the Neotropics. It is the most widespread of the four extant species of crocodiles from the Americas. Populations occur from the Atlantic and Pacific coasts of southern Mexico to South America as far as Peru and Venezuela. It also lives on many of the Caribbean islands such as Cuba, Jamaica, Hispaniola and Grand Cayman.

QMRAll mammals except the monotremes, the xenarthrans, the pangolins, and the cetaceans[citation needed] have up to four distinct types of teeth, with a maximum number for each. These are the incisor (cutting), the canine, the premolar, and the molar (grinding). The incisors occupy the front of the tooth row in both upper and lower jaws. They are normally flat, chisel-shaped teeth that meet in an edge-to-edge bite. Their function is cutting, slicing, or gnawing food into manageable pieces that fit into the mouth for further chewing. The canines are immediately behind the incisors. In many mammals, the canines are pointed, tusk-shaped teeth, projecting beyond the level of the other teeth. In carnivores, they are primarily offensive weapons for bringing down prey. In other mammals such as some primates, they are used to split open hard surfaced food. The premolars and molars are at the back of the mouth. Depending on the particular mammal and its diet, these two kinds of teeth prepare pieces of food to be swallowed by grinding, shearing, or crushing. The specialised teeth—incisors, canines, premolars, and molars—are found in the same order in every mammal.[4] In many mammals the infants have a set of teeth that fall out and are replaced by adult teeth. These are called deciduous teeth, primary teeth, baby teeth or milk teeth.[5][6] Animals that have two sets of teeth, one followed by the other, are said to be diphyodont. Normally the dental formula for milk teeth is the same as for adult teeth except that the molars are missing.

QMRNeuroscientists have found four "signatures of consciousness": Greatly amplified brain activity in many regions, including parietal and prefrontal circuits. Unconscious perception is like a wave that peters out upon reaching shore, while conscious perception is more like an avalanche that gains momentum as it progresses. Ignition of a late P3 wave when a word is consciously seen but not when it remains unconscious. Dehaene compares conscious perception to breaking "through the dike of the frontal and parietal networks, suddenly flooding into a much larger expanse of cortex" (p. 124). There are actually two P3 waves, and they seem to occupy bandwidth that prevents comprehension of other stimuli at the same time, which explains the attentional blink and the serial nature of consciousness. A marked increase in the power of gamma waves starting at about 300 milliseconds after a stimulus. Contrary to an initial hypothesis by Francis Crick and Christof Koch, gamma waves around 40 Hz do not appear only during consciousness. But when they show up in unconscious processing, they do have a much reduced intensity. Brain-wide synchronization of information in what's called a "brain web". Granger causality analysis shows strong bidirectional causality, with signals traveling both bottom-up (to relay sensory information to higher areas) and top-down (perhaps as attention or confirmation signals).

QMRIn medicine, consciousness is examined using a set of procedures known as neuropsychological assessment.[81] There are two commonly used methods for assessing the level of consciousness of a patient: a simple procedure that requires minimal training, and a more complex procedure that requires substantial expertise. The simple procedure begins by asking whether the patient is able to move and react to physical stimuli. If so, the next question is whether the patient can respond in a meaningful way to questions and commands. If so, the patient is asked for name, current location, and current day and time. A patient who can answer all of these questions is said to be "alert and oriented times four" (sometimes denoted "A&Ox4" on a medical chart), and is usually considered fully conscious.[147]

QMRThe family Apidae presently includes all the genera previously classified in the families Anthophoridae and Ctenoplectridae. Most of these are solitary species, though a few are also cleptoparasites. [4] The four groups that were subfamilies in the old family Apidae are presently ranked as tribes within the subfamily Apinae. This trend has been taken to its extreme in a few recent classifications that place all the existing bee families together under the name "Apidae" (or, alternatively, the non-Linnaean clade "Anthophila"), but this is not a widely accepted practice.

QMRThe Colletidae are one of the four bee families that contain some crepuscular species (of both the "vespertine" and "matinal" types). These bees, as is typical in such cases, have greatly enlarged ocelli. The other families with some crepuscular species are Andrenidae, Halictidae, and Apidae.

QMRAndrenidae are one of the four bee families that contain some crepuscular species; these species are active only at dusk or in the early evening, and therefore technically considered "vespertine". In the Andrenidae, such species occur primarily in the subfamily Panurginae. These bees, as is typical in such cases, have greatly enlarged ocelli, though one crepuscular subgenus of Andrena has normal ocelli. The other families with some crepuscular species are Halictidae, Colletidae, and Apidae.[5]

QMR"Nocturnal" species[edit] Agapostemon sp. Halictidae are one of the four bee families that contain some crepuscular species; these halictids are active only at dusk or in the early evening, so are technically considered "vespertine" (e.g. in the subgenus Sphecodogastra of Lasioglossum), or sometimes truly nocturnal (e.g. in the genus Megalopta, or species Megalopta genalis).[9] These bees, as is typical in such cases, have greatly enlarged ocelli. The other families with some crepuscular species are Andrenidae, Colletidae, and Apidae. Systematics and evolution[edit] The Halictidae belong to the hymenopteran superfamily Apoidea, series Anthophila. The oldest fossil record of Halictidae dates back to Early Eocene[10] with a number of species, such as Neocorynura electra[11] and Augochlora leptoloba[12] known from amber deposits. Currently, the family is divided into four subfamilies, many genera and more than 2000 known species. The Rophitinae appear to be the sister group to the remaining three subfamilies (Nomiinae, Nomioidinae, Halictinae) based on both morphology and molecular data.[13]

QMRA reversal to solitarity is an evolutionary phenomenon in which descendants of a eusocial group evolve solitary behavior once again. Bees have been model organisms for the study of reversal to solitarity, because of the diversity of their social systems. Each of the four origins of eusociality in bees was followed by at least one reversal to solitarity, giving a total of at least nine reversals.[3][4] This suggests that eusociality is costly to maintain, and can only persist when ecological variables favor it. Disadvantages of eusociality include the cost of investing in non-reproductive offspring, and an increased risk of disease.[45]

QMRBumblebees are Northern Hemisphere animals. When red clover was introduced as a crop to New Zealand in the nineteenth century, it was found to have no local pollinators, and clover seed had accordingly to be imported each year. Four species of bumblebee from the United Kingdom were therefore imported as pollinators. In 1885 and 1886 the Canterbury Acclimatization Society brought in 442 queens, of which 93 survived and quickly multiplied. As planned, red clover was soon being produced from locally-grown seed.[32] Bumblebees are also reared commercially to pollinate tomatoes grown in greenhouses.[45] The New Zealand population of buff-tailed bumblebees naturally colonised Tasmania, 1,500 miles away, in 1992.[89]

QMRThe bumblebee tribe Bombini is one of four groups of corbiculate bees (those with pollen baskets) in the Apidae, the others being the Apini (honeybees), Euglossini (orchid bees), and Meliponini (stingless bees). The corbiculate bees are a monophyletic group. Advanced eusocial behaviour appears to have evolved twice in the group, giving rise to controversy, now largely settled, as to the phylogenetic origins of the four tribes; it had been supposed that eusocial behaviour had evolved only once, requiring the Apini to be close to the Meliponini, which they do not resemble. It is now thought that the Apini (with advanced societies) and Euglossini are closely related, while the primitively eusocial Bombini are close to the Meliponini, which have somewhat more advanced eusocial behaviour. Sophie Cardinal and Bryan Danforth comment that "While remarkable, a hypothesis of dual origins of advanced eusociality is congruent with early studies on corbiculate morphology and social behavior."[10] Their analysis, combining molecular, morphological and behavioural data, gives the following cladogram:[10] Corbiculate bees Apini (honeybees) Euglossini (orchid bees) Bombini (bumblebees) Meliponini (stingless bees)

QMRThe western honey bee is native to Europe, Asia and Africa. During the early 1600s it was introduced to North America, with other European subspecies introduced two centuries later.[2] Since then, it has spread throughout the Americas. Western honey bees evolved into geographic races as they spread from Africa into Eurasia,[3] and 28 subspecies based on these geographic variations are recognized.[1] All races are cross-fertile, although reproductive adaptations may make interbreeding unlikely. The subspecies are divided into four major branches, based on work by Ruttner and confirmed by mitochondrial DNA analysis. African subspecies belong to branch A, northwestern European subspecies branch M, southwestern European subspecies branch C and Mideastern subspecies branch O. These subspecies are listed and grouped in the sidebar. Regions with local variations may be identified as subspecies in the future; A. m. pomonella, from the Tian Shan, would be included in the Mideastern subspecies branch.

QMRMyiomela is a genus of bird in the family Muscicapidae, some members have sometimes been included in the genus Cinclidium and the phylogeny has not been resolved completely.[1][2] The genus currently includes the following species: White-tailed robin (Myiomela leucura) Sunda robin, (Myiomela diana) Nilgiri blue robin, (Myiomela major) White-bellied blue robin, (Myiomela albiventris)

QMRThe genus Brachypteryx contains four species known as shortwings. They are colourful medium-sized mostly insectivorous birds. Opinion is divided as to whether they belong in the thrush family, Turdidae, or the Old World flycatcher family, Muscicapidae. Whilst white-browed and rusty-bellied shortwing show strong sexual plumage dimorphism, the other two have similar plumage between sexes. All species are southeast Asian. Gould's shortwing, Brachypteryx stellata Rusty-bellied shortwing, Brachypteryx hyperythra Lesser shortwing, Brachypteryx leucophrys White-browed shortwing, Brachypteryx montana

QMRBradornis is a genus of small passerine birds in the large family Muscicapidae commonly known as the Old World flycatchers. Species[edit] Pale flycatcher, Bradornis pallidus Chat flycatcher, Bradornis infuscatus Marico flycatcher, Bradornis mariquensis African grey flycatcher, Bradornis microrhynchus

QMRThe social structures of the red-throated bee-eater and the white-fronted bee-eaters have been described as "the most complex of any bird species anywhere in the world".[4]:298 The birds exist in stable colonies located on nesting cliffs, and have a stable structure year round. These colonies are composed of clans of two or three pairs, their helpers, and offspring. Within the colony the males alternate between guarding their mate and attempting to make forced copulations with other females.[7] The females in turn attempt to lay eggs in their neighbour's nests. Within colonies some individuals also specialise in kleptoparasitism, stealing prey collected by other colony members. The colony's daily routine is to emerge from the nesting holes or roosting branches soon after dawn, preen and sun themselves for an hour, then disperse to feed. Feeding territories are broken down by clan, with the clan defending the territories from all others of the same species, including clans of the same colony.[8] The clans return to the colony before dusk, and engage in more social behaviour before retiring for the night. Colonies are situated several hundred metres apart and have little to do with each other, although young individuals may disperse between colonies. As such these species can be thought to have four tiers of social kinship, the individual pair, the family unit, the clan and the colony as a whole.[4]

QMRPernis is a genus of birds in the raptor subfamily Perninae. It consists of three medium-sized broad-winged species. European honey buzzard, Pernis apivorus Crested honey buzzard, Pernis ptilorhynchus Barred honey buzzard, Pernis celebensis Birdlife International recognises an additional fourth species the Philippine honey-buzzard Pernis steerei ,normally considered a subspecies of Pernis celebensis and lists it as Least Concern[1] The fourth is always different

QMRNocturnal bees Four bee families (Andrenidae, Colletidae, Halictidae, and Apidae) contain some species that are crepuscular. Most are tropical or subtropical, but there are some which live in arid regions at higher latitudes. These bees have greatly enlarged ocelli, which are extremely sensitive to light and dark, though incapable of forming images. Some have refracting superposition compound eyes: these combine the output of many elements of their compound eyes to provide enough light for each retinal photoreceptor. Their ability to fly by night enables them to avoid many predators, and to exploit flowers that produce nectar only or also at night.[64]

QMRPouncing proavis model[edit] The proavis theory was first proposed by Garner, Taylor, and Thomas in 1999: We propose that birds evolved from predators that specialized in ambush from elevated sites, using their raptorial hindlimbs in a leaping attack. Drag–based, and later lift-based, mechanisms evolved under selection for improved control of body position and locomotion during the aerial part of the attack. Selection for enhanced lift-based control led to improved lift coefficients, incidentally turning a pounce into a swoop as lift production increased. Selection for greater swooping range would finally lead to the origin of true flight. The authors believed that this theory had four main virtues: It predicts the observed sequence of character acquisition in avian evolution. It predicts an Archaeopteryx-like animal, with a skeleton more or less identical to terrestrial theropods, with few adaptations to flapping, but very advanced aerodynamic asymmetrical feathers. It explains that primitive pouncers (perhaps like Microraptor) could coexist with more advanced fliers (like Confuciusornis or Sapeornis) since they did not compete for flying niches. It explains that the evolution of elongated rachis-bearing feathers began with simple forms that produced a benefit by increasing drag. Later, more refined feather shapes could begin to also provide lift.

QMRMost paleontologists agree that birds evolved from small theropod dinosaurs, but the origin of bird flight is one of the oldest and most hotly contested debates in paleontology.[12] The four main hypotheses are: "From the trees down", that birds' ancestors first glided down from trees and then acquired other modifications that enabled true powered flight. "From the ground up", that birds' ancestors were small, fast predatory dinosaurs in which feathers developed for other reasons and then evolved further to provide first lift and then true powered flight. "Wing-assisted incline running" (WAIR), a version of "from the ground up" in which birds' wings originated from forelimb modifications that provided downforce, enabling the proto-birds to run up extremely steep slopes such as the trunks of trees. "Pouncing proavis", which posits that flight evolved by modification from arboreal ambush tactics.

QMRThe shape of the wing is important in determining the flight capabilities of a bird. Different shapes correspond to different trade-offs between advantages such as speed, low energy use, and maneuverability. Two important parameters are the aspect ratio and wing loading. Aspect ratio is the ratio of wingspan to the mean of its chord (or the square of the wingspan divided by wing area). Wing loading is the ratio of weight to wing area. Most kinds of bird wing can be grouped into four types, with some falling between two of these types. These types of wings are elliptical wings, high speed wings, high aspect ratio wings and soaring wings with slots. The budgerigar's wings, as seen on this pet female, allow it excellent manoeuvrability. Elliptical wings Elliptical wings are short and rounded, having a low aspect ratio, allowing for tight maneuvering in confined spaces such as might be found in dense vegetation. As such they are common in forest raptors (such as Accipiter hawks), and many passerines, particularly non-migratory ones (migratory species have longer wings). They are also common in species that use a rapid take off to evade predators, such as pheasants and partridges. High speed wings High speed wings are short, pointed wings that when combined with a heavy wing loading and rapid wingbeats provide an energetically expensive high speed. This type of flight is used by the bird with the fastest wing speed, the peregrine falcon, as well as by most of the ducks. The same wing shape is used by the auks for a different purpose; auks use their wings to "fly" underwater. The peregrine falcon has the highest recorded dive speed of 242 mph (389 km/h). The fastest straight, powered flight is the spine-tailed swift at 105 mph (170 km/h). A roseate tern uses its low wing loading and high aspect ratio to achieve low speed flight. High aspect ratio wings High aspect ratio wings, which usually have low wing loading and are far longer than they are wide, are used for slower flight, almost hovering (as used by kestrels, terns and nightjars) or alternatively by birds that specialize in soaring and gliding flight, particularly that used by seabirds, dynamic soaring, which use different wind speeds at different heights (wind shear) above the waves in the ocean to provide lift. Low speed flight is important for birds that plunge dive for fish. Soaring wings with deep slots These are the wings favored by the larger species of inland birds, such as eagles, vultures, pelicans, and storks. The slots at the end of the wings, between the primaries, reduce the induced drag and wingtip vortices by "capturing" the energy in air flowing from the lower to upper wing surface at the tips[citation needed], whilst the shorter size of the wings aids in takeoff (high aspect ratio wings require a long taxi in order to get airborne).

Psychology Chapter

QMRThe two-factor model of personality is a widely used psychological factor analysis measurement of personality, behavior and temperament. It most often consists of a four quadrant matrix measuring the factor of introversion and extroversion with some form of people versus task orientation. Contents [hide] 1 Beginnings 2 Development 2.1 Factors integrated into modern instruments 2.2 Two-Factors expanded to measure more than four types 3 Other Factor pairs 4 Table of theories and instruments using extroversion and people-task-orientation 5 Systems using other factors 5.1 Factors of perception 5.2 Enneagram 6 See also 7 References Beginnings[edit] The Roman physician Galen mapped the four temperaments (sanguine, phlegmatic, choleric and melancholic) to a matrix of hot/cold and dry/wet, taken from the four classical elements.[1] Two of these temperaments, sanguine and choleric, shared a common trait: quickness of response (corresponding to "heat"), while the melancholic and phlegmatic shared the opposite, a longer response (coldness). The melancholic and choleric, however, shared a sustained response (dryness), and the sanguine and phlegmatic shared a short-lived response (wetness). This meant that the choleric and melancholic both would tend to hang on to emotions like anger, and thus appear more serious and critical than the fun-loving sanguine, and the peaceful phlegmatic. However, the choleric would be characterized by quick expressions of anger (like the sanguine, with the difference being that the sanguine cools off); while the melancholic would build up anger slowly, silently, before exploding. Also, the melancholic and sanguine would be sort of "opposites", as the choleric and phlegmatic, since they have opposite traits.[2] These are the basis of the two factors that would define temperament in the modern theory. Development[edit] In the last few centuries, various psychologists would begin expressing the four temperaments in terms of pairs of behaviors that were held in common by two temperaments each. Ivan Pavlov (1849–1936), from his work with dogs, came up with the factors of "passivity" (active or passive) and "extremeness" (extreme response or moderate response). His view of the temperaments in dogs was: The Melancholic type (Weak inhibitory): categorized as "weak" dogs; Choleric type (Strong excitatory): strong, unbalanced, easily aroused (excitable); Sanguine type (Lively): strong, balanced, mobile; Phlegmatic type (Calm imperturbable): strong, balanced, sluggish. This theory would also be extended to humans. Alfred Adler (1879–1937) measured "activity" (connected with "energy") against "social interest", yielding the four "styles of life":[3] Ruling or Dominant type: high activity, low social interest Getting or Leaning type: low activity, high social interest Avoiding type: low activity, low social interest Socially Useful type: high activity, high social interest These he compared to the choleric, phlegmatic, melancholic and sanguine respectively.[4] Erich Fromm's (1900–1980) factors were acquiring and assimilating things ("assimilation"), and reacting to people ("socialization"). These two factors form four types of character, which he calls Receptive, Exploitative, Hoarding and Marketing. Also deserving mention is a single scale invented in the 1940s by Karen Horney (1885–1952). This one dimension measured "movement" towards, against and away from people. This would result in the coping strategies, in which these three "neurotic" patterns would be paired with a fourth, "healthy" one called "movement with people". These would describe behaviors associated with both extroversion and reacting to people, in which people attempt to avoid getting hurt, by either distancing themselves from others or maintaining self-sufficiency and independence on one hand; or approaching others, attempting to control or exploit them, and otherwise gain power and recognition; or "give in" to them to gain acceptance and approval, on the other. Factors integrated into modern instruments[edit] As the twentieth century progressed, numerous other instruments were devised measuring not only temperament, but also various individual aspects of personality and behavior, and several began using forms of extroversion and the developing category of people versus task focus as the factors. In 1928, William Moulton Marston identified four primary emotions, each with an initial feeling tone of either pleasantness or unpleasantness. This led to his viewing people's behavior along two axes, with their attention being either "passive" or "active", depending on the individual's perception of his or her environment as either "favorable" or "antagonistic". By placing the axes at right angles, four quadrants form with each describing a behavioral pattern: Dominance, which produces activity in an antagonistic environment; with a feeling of unpleasantness until stimulus is acted upon Compliance, which produces passivity in an antagonistic environment; with a feeling of unpleasantness until stimulus is reconciled Inducement, which produces activity in a favorable environment; with a feeling of pleasantness increasing as interaction increases Submission, which produces passivity in a favorable environment; with a feeling of pleasantness increasing as yielding increases This would be further developed in the 1970s by John G. Geier[5] into the DiSC assessment System, which grades individual scales of "Dominance", "Influence", "Steadiness", and "Conscientiousness". By now, it would be classified in terms of the two factors; consisting of pairs of Extroverted or "Assertive" aspects (D, I), Introverted or "Passive" aspects (S, C), Task-oriented or "Controlled" aspects (D, C) and social or "Open" aspects (I, S). The California Psychological Inventory's CPI 260 Instrument also has similar scales, of "Initiates action, Confident in social situations" versus "Focuses on inner life, Values own privacy"; and "Rule-favoring, Likes stability, Agrees with others" versus "Rule-questioning, Has personal value system, Often disagrees with others" and the four "lifestyles": Leader, Supporter, Innovator, and Visualizer. Two-Factors expanded to measure more than four types[edit] Galen also had intermediate scales for "balance" between the hot/cold and wet/dry poles, yielding a total of nine temperaments. Four were the original humors, and five were balanced in one or both scales.[6][7][8] Another addition to the two factor models was the creation of a 10 by 10 square grid developed by Robert R. Blake and Jane Mouton in their Managerial Grid Model introduced in 1964. This matrix graded, from 0-9, the factors of "Concern for Production" (X-axis) and "Concern for People" (Y-axis), allowing a moderate range of scores, which yielded five "leadership styles": Impoverished (low X, Y) Produce or Perish (high X low Y) Country Club (low X high Y) Team (high X and Y) Middle of the Road (moderate X, Y) The Thomas Kilmann Conflict Mode Instrument (TKI) used a version of this with "Assertiveness" and "Cooperativeness" as the two factors, also leading to a fifth mode: Competing, (assertive, uncooperative) Avoiding (unassertive, uncooperative) Accommodating (unassertive, cooperative) Collaborating (assertive, cooperative) Compromising (intermediate assertiveness and cooperativeness). FIRO-B would call the two dimensions Expressed Behavior and Wanted Behavior, and use three separate matrices for the respective areas of Inclusion (social skills) Control (leadership and responsibility-taking) and Affection (deep personal relationships). In 1977, "locator charts" were produced for each area by Dr. Leo Ryan, providing a map of the various scores, following the Managerial Grid model, with unofficial names assigned to different score ranges. They were generally grouped into five main types for each area, in the vein of the Managerial Grid and TKI, except that moderate scores (generally 4, 5) in only one dimension (with the other dimension being high or low) were given separate names, creating nine basic groups for each area (low e/w, low e/high w, low e/moderate w, etc.). In the control area, there is a tenth group created by a further division of the low e/high w range. This would form the basis of the Five Temperaments theory by Dr. Richard G. and Phyllis Arno, in which the ancient temperaments were mapped to the FIRO-B scales (in all three areas), with Phlegmatic becoming the moderate e/w instead of low e/high w, which was now taken to constitute a fifth temperament called "Supine", which has many of the "introverted and relationship oriented" traits of the other types defined as such, above. (The "Wanted behavior" scale is generally renamed "Responsive behavior"). The moderate scores mixed with high or low are designated "Phlegmatic blends" and divided with 4 being a blend of Phlegmatic with the lower adjacent temperament, and 5 being a blend with the higher adjacent temperament. This results in 13 separate ranges in each area. Other Factor pairs[edit] It has been suggested that this article be merged with Dimensional models of personality disorders. (Discuss) Proposed since May 2012. Other factors devised along the way measured other aspects of personality, mostly cognitive aspects. This would form a second strain of temperament theory, one which enjoys the most popularity today. Immanuel Kant (1724–1804) defined his typology by a duality of the beautiful and sublime, and concluded it was possible to represent the four temperaments with a square of opposition using the presence or absence of the two attributes. He determined that the phlegmatic type has no interest in either the beautiful or the sublime, so there was an absence of both (sb). The melancholic had a feeling for both (SB), and the sanguine had a predominating feeling for the beautiful (sB), while the choleric, he determined after comparing with the melancholic, lacked a sense of beauty and had only a sense of the sublime (Sb).[9] Hans Eysenck (1916–1997) was one of the first psychologists to analyze personality differences using a psycho-statistical method (factor analysis), and his research led him to believe that temperament is biologically based. In his book Dimensions of Personality (1947) he paired Extraversion (E), which was "the tendency to enjoy positive events", especially social ones, with Neuroticism (N), which was the tendency to experience negative emotions. By pairing the two dimensions, Eysenck noted how the results were similar to the four ancient temperaments. High N, High E = Choleric High N, Low E = Melancholy (also called "Melancholic") Low N, High E = Sanguine Low N, Low E = Phlegmatic He later added a third dimension, psychoticism, resulting in his "P-E-N" three factor model of personality. This has been correlated with two separate factors developed by the Big Five personality traits (Five Factor Model), called "agreeableness" and "conscientiousness"; the former being similar to the people/task orientation scale elaborated above. Neuroticism in Eysenck's case acted like the people/task-orientation scale (except for being inverted as to which temperaments were "high" or "low"), but was later separated as a distinct factor in the Big Five. Carl Jung, in the early 20th century, introduced the four factors that would become a part of the later MBTI, and these included extroversion/introversion, sensing and intuition, and thinking/feeling, which would be correlated to Agreeableness, with Judging-Perceiving roughly as Conscientiousness. Ernst Kretschmer (1888–1964) divided personality into two "constitutional groups": Schizothymic, which contain a "Psychaesthetic proportion" between sensitive and cold poles, and Cyclothymic which contain a "Diathetic" proportion between gay and sad. The Schizoids consist of the Hyperesthetic (sensitive) and Anesthetic (Cold) characters, and the Cycloids consist of the Depressive (or "melancholic") and Hypomanic characters. David W. Keirsey would make the connection of the two groups with Myers' Sensors and iNtuitors, providing the two factors for his four temperaments.[10] He would rename Sensing to "Observant" or "Concrete", and Intuiting to "Introspection" or "Abstract", and pair it with "Cooperative" versus "Pragmatic" (or "Utilitarian") which would be the "Conscientiousness" scale; to form: SP Artisan (Concrete, Pragmatic) SJ Guardian (Concrete, Cooperative) NT Rational (Abstract, Pragmatic) NF Idealist (Abstract, Cooperative) Keirsey also divided his temperaments by "Role-Informative"/"Role Directive" to form eight "intelligence types"; and finally by E/I, to yield the 16 types of the MBTI. It was when his former student, Berens, paired the latter two factors separately that she yielded here Interaction Styles, discussed above. Keirsey also divided the intelligence types by I/E into "roles of interaction".[11] The Enneagram of Personality would map its nine types to a matrix, whose scales are "Surface Direction" and "Deep Direction". These are similar to Extroversion and people/task-orientation, but instead of the types being plotted on a scale of 0-9, Horney's original three grades of "towards", "away", and "against" were retained, and now used in both dimensions (graded respectively, as "+", "0" and "-"). This changes the criteria, as the "moderate" (0) grade is considered "away", but this does not necessarily correspond to the moderate extroversion or agreeableness scores of the other instruments. Table of theories and instruments using extroversion and people-task-orientation[edit] Date Founder Extroversion scales People-task orientation scale Introverted, task-oriented Extroverted, task-oriented Extroverted, relationship-oriented Introverted, relationship-oriented Moderate c. 450 BC Classical elements Scales not recognized Areas not recognized earth fire air water ether c. 400 BC Hippocrates's four humours Scales not recognized Areas not recognized black bile yellow bile blood phlegm Not Recognized c. 190 Galen's four temperaments response-delay (quick, slow) response-sustain (short, long) melancholic choleric sanguine phlegmatic Not Recognized c. 1025 Avicenna's four primary temperaments[12] morbid states, functional power, subjective sensations, physical signs Areas not distinguished rheumatism, insomnia, wakefulness, acquired habit, lack of desire for fluids loss of vigour, deficient energy, insomnia, wakefulness, high pulse rate, lassitude, acquired habit loss of vigour, lassitude, deficient energy, sleepiness, high pulse rate, lassitude rheumatism, lassitude, lack of desire for fluids, sleepiness Not Recognized c. 1900 Ivan Pavlov's four temperaments Passivity: (Active or Passive) Extremeness: (Extreme response or Moderate response) melancholic (Weak inhibitory) choleric (Strong excitatory) sanguine (Lively) phlegmatic (Calm imperturbable) Not Recognized c. 1900 Alfred Adler's four Styles of Life "activity" "social interest" Avoiding Ruling or Dominant Socially Useful Getting or Leaning Not Recognized c. 1928 William Marston and John G. Geier DiSC assessment Assertive/ Passive Open/ Controlled Conscien- tiousness Dominance Influence Steadiness Not Recognized c. 1947 Erich Fromm's four Types of Character assimilation socialization Hoarding Exploitative Marketing Receptive Not Recognized c. 1948 California Psychological Inventory CPI 260 action, social confidence/ inner life, privacy Rule-favoring /questioning, stability/value system, Agreeable/ disagreeable Visualizer Leader Innovator Supporter Not Recognized 1958 MBTI codes E/I, Informative/Directive (mapped by David Keirsey) ISTJ, INTJ, ISTP, INFJ ESTJ, ENTJ, ESTP, ENFJ ESFP, ENFP, ESFJ, ENTP ISFP, INFP, ISFJ, INTP Not Recognized c. 1958 William Schutz, FIRO-B Expressed Wanted See FIRO article for score names. c. 1960s Stuart Atkins LIFO's four Orientations To Life Planning vs.Doing Directing vs. Inspiring Conserving-Holding Controlling-Taking Adapting-Dealing Supporting-Giving Not Recognized c. 1960s David Merrill, "Social Styles" Assertiveness (Ask-Tell) Responsiveness (Control-Emote) Analytical Driving Expressive Amiable Not Recognized 1964 Blake-Mouton Managerial Grid Model Concern for People, Productivity Areas not distinguished Impoverished Produce or Perish Team Type Country Club Middle of the Road c. 1966 Temperament by LaHaye Compares other instruments [13] Areas not distinguished Melancholy Choleric Sanguine Phlegmatic "passive sanguine" [14] 1973 Jay Hall Conflict Management[15] Concern for personal goals Concern for relationships Leave-lose/win Win/lose Synergistic; Win/win Yield-lose/win Mini-win/mini-lose 1974 Thomas-Kilmann Conflict Modes[16] Assertiveness Cooperativeness Avoiding Competing Collaborating Accommodating Compromising c. 1984 The Arno Profile System (Five Temperaments) Expressive Responsive Melancholy Choleric Sanguine Supine Phlegmatic c. 1995 Worley Identification Discovery Profile Demonstrated, Desired Social, Leadership, Relationship Melancholy Choleric Sanguine Phlegmatic Introverted Sanguine c. 1996 Tony Alessandra Personality Styles Indirect/Direct Open/Guarded Thinker Director Socializer Relater Not Recognized c. 1998 Hartman Personality Profile Not recognized Not recognized Blue Red Yellow White Not recognized c. 2001 Linda V. Berens' four Interaction Styles Initiating-Responding Informing- Directing Chart the Course In Charge Get Things Going Behind the Scenes Not Recognized Systems using other factors[edit] Founder first factor second factor Low E/Low N High E/High N High E/Low N Low E/High N Eysenck's four temperaments extroversion, "Neuroticism" Phlegmatic Sanguine Choleric Melancholic Factors of perception[edit] Date Founder first factor second factor Low first and second factors high first factor low second factor high first and second factors low first factor, high second factor c. 1800 Kant's four temperaments recognition of beauty recognition of sublime Phlegmatic Sanguine Melancholic Choleric c.1920 Kretschmer's four characters Schizothymic (sensitive/cold) Cyclothymic (gay/sad) Anesthetic Hypomanic Depressive Hyperesthetic c. 1978 Keirsey's four temperaments "Concrete"/Abstract" (Sensing/Intuitive), "Cooperative"/"Pragmatic" Rational Artisan Guardian Idealist Enneagram[edit] Deep (long-term) Direction Surface (short-term) Direction -/- -/+ +/+ +/- 0/0 0/- 0/+ -/0 +/0 (- 0 +) (- 0 +) Type 8 "Leader" Type 2 "Helper" Type 6 "Loyalist" Type 3 "Motivator" Type 4 "Individualist" Type 1 "Reformer" Type 7 "Enthusiast" Type 5 "Investigator" Type 9 "Peacemaker"

The original successor to the Pentium 4 was (codenamed) Tejas, which was scheduled for an early-mid-2005 release. However, it was cancelled a few months after the release of Prescott due to extremely high TDPs (a 2.8 GHz Tejas emitted 150 W of heat, compared to around 80 W for a Northwood of the same speed, and 100 W for a comparably clocked Prescott) and development on the NetBurst microarchitecture as a whole ceased, with the exception of the dual-core Pentium D and Pentium Extreme Edition and the Cedar Mill-based Pentium 4 HT. Since May 2005, Intel has released dual-core processors based on the Pentium 4 under the names Pentium D and Pentium Extreme Edition. They represent Intel's shift towards parallelism and their intent was to eventually make the bulk of their main processor line multiple-core. These came under the code names Smithfield and Presler for the 90 nm and 65 nm parts respectively. The ultimate successors to Pentium 4 are the Intel Core 2 processors using the "Conroe" core based upon the Core microarchitecture, released on July 27, 2006. Intel Core 2 processors have been released as single, dual and quad core processors. Single core counterparts are present in the Intel Core 2 line, primarily for the OEM market, while dual and quad core processors can be sold to retail and OEM.

QMRPentium 4 was a line of single-core desktop, laptop and entry level server central processing units (CPUs) introduced by Intel on November 20, 2000[1] and shipped through August 8, 2008.[2] They had a seventh-generation x86 microarchitecture, called NetBurst, which was the company's first all-new design since the introduction of the P6 microarchitecture of the Pentium Pro CPUs in 1995. NetBurst differed from P6 (Pentium III, II, etc.) by featuring a very deep instruction pipeline to achieve very high clock speeds. Intel claimed that NetBurst would allow clock speeds of up to 10 GHz in future chips; however, severe problems with heat dissipation (especially with the Prescott Pentium 4) limited CPU clock speeds to a much lower 3.8 GHz.[3] In 2004, the initial 32-bit x86 instruction set of the Pentium 4 microprocessors was extended by the 64-bit x86-64 set. The first Pentium 4 cores, codenamed Willamette, were clocked from 1.3 GHz to 2 GHz. They were released on November 20, 2000, using the Socket 423 system. Notable with the introduction of the Pentium 4 was the 400 MT/s FSB. It actually operated at 100 MHz but the FSB was quad-pumped, meaning that the maximum transfer rate was four times the base clock of the bus, so it was marketed to run at 400 MHz. The AMD Athlon's double-pumped FSB was running at 100 or 133 MHz (200 or 266 MT/s) at that time. Pentium 4 CPUs introduced the SSE2 and, in the Prescott-based Pentium 4s, SSE3 instruction sets to accelerate calculations, transactions, media processing, 3D graphics, and games. Later versions featured Hyper-Threading Technology (HTT), a feature to make one physical CPU work as two logical CPUs. Intel also marketed a version of their low-end Celeron processors based on the NetBurst microarchitecture (often referred to as Celeron 4), and a high-end derivative, Xeon, intended for multiprocessor servers and workstations. In 2005, the Pentium 4 was complemented by the Pentium D and Pentium Extreme Edition dual-core CPUs.

QMRThe Eight-Circuit Model of Consciousness is a hypothesis proposed by Timothy Leary and expanded on by Robert Anton Wilson and Antero Alli as well as Laurent Huguelit. The model describes eight circuits of information (eight "brains") that operate within the human nervous system, each corresponding to its own layer of the direct experience of reality. Four of these, called the "larval circuits" and the "lower" set, deal with normal psychology. The other four are proposed as being "higher", and called the "stellar circuits". This latter group deal with altered states of consciousness, such as enlightenment, mystical experiences, psychedelic states of mind, and psychic abilities. The hypothesis proposes that these altered states of consciousness are recently evolved, but not widely utilized. Leary describes the four "larval circuits" as necessary for surviving and functioning in a terrestrial human society. Leary proposed that the "stellar circuits" will be useful for future humans who might someday migrate to outer space and live extraterrestrially

QMRAffect consciousness, or affect integration which is a more generic term for the same phenomenon,[1] refers to an individual's ability to consciously perceive, tolerate, reflect upon, and express affects.[2][3] These four abilities are operationalized as degrees of awareness, tolerance, emotional (nonverbal) expression, and conceptual (verbal) expression of each of the following eleven affect categories:[4] Interest/Excitement Enjoyment/Joy Fear/Panic Anger/Rage Shame/Humiliation Contempt/Condescension Disgust/Revulsion Sadness/Despair Envy/Jealousy Guilt/Remorse Tenderness/Care The Affect Consciousness Interview (ACI) (Monsen et al., 2008), a semi-structured interview, is used to evaluate an individual's affect consciousness. The ACI evaluates the individual's awareness, tolerance, emotional expression, and conceptual expression of each of the affect categories are evaluated using a nine-point Affect Consciousness Scale (ACS);[4] the most current version contains eleven affect categories.[2] The AC-construct and it's psychotherapeutic implications were first proposed and described by Norwegian Psychology Professor Jon Monsen and his associates in the early eighties. The construct has become increasingly popular and more widely researched in recent years.

QMrSelf-regulation theory (SRT) is a system of conscious personal management that involves the process of guiding one's own thoughts, behaviors, and feelings to reach goals. Self-regulation consists of several stages, and individuals must function as contributors to their own motivation, behavior, and development within a network of reciprocally interacting influences. Roy Baumeister, one of the leading social psychologists who have studied self-regulation, claims it has four components: standards of desirable behavior, motivation to meet standards, monitoring of situations and thoughts that precede breaking said standards, and lastly, willpower.[1] Baumeister along with other colleagues developed three models of self-regulation designed to explain its cognitive accessibility: self-regulation as a knowledge structure, strength, or skill. Studies have been done to determine that the strength model is generally supported, because it is a limited resource in the brain and only a given amount of self-regulation can occur until that resource is depleted.[2] SRT can be applied to impulse control, management of short-term desires, cognitive bias of illusion of control, pain, goal attainment and motivation, or illness behavior, and failure can be explained by either under- or mis-regulation. Self-regulation has gained a lot of attention from researchers, psychologists, and educators, which has allowed it to grow and supplement many other components. It has been through the help of the several contributors to make it a relatable concept that has the ability to improve emotional well-being, achievement, initiative, and optimism.

Sociology Chapter

QMRThe Four-Power Pact also known as a Quadripartite Agreement was an international treaty initialed on June 7, 1933, and signed on July 15, 1933, in the Palazzo Venezia, Rome. The pact was not ratified by France's Parliament.[1]

QMRThe traditionally nomadic Somali people are divided into clans, wherein the Rahanweyn agro-pastoral clans and the occupational clans such as the Madhiban are sometimes treated as outcasts.[10] The caste system found amongst the Borana in the North Eastern Province of Kenya and southern Ethiopia is divided into four distinct castes. At the top, there are Borana Gutu (Pure), followed by Gabbra, then Sakuye, and Watta, a traditional hunter-gatherer caste, being the last. The Watta are condemned to lifelong servitude for members of the higher castes. Among the Tuareg societies found in Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger, exists a similar caste system, where the Bellah slave caste is treated as slaves to other castes. In Ethiopia, the outcaste groups include the Weyto, who live on the shores of Lake Tana and are despised for eating hippopotamus meat; and the Felasha (or Beta Israel), who made their living from ironworking and pottery until they emigrated to Israel

QMRTamil castes[edit] The Tolkāppiyam Porulatikaram indicating the four-fold division is the earliest Tamil literature to mention caste.[6] Sangam literature however mentions only five kudis associated with the five tinais.[6][30] Colonialism also had influenced the caste system

QMRSinhalese castes[edit] The documented history of the island begins with the arrival of Prince Vijaya from India. The island was reportedly inhabited by four tribes at that time: the Dewa, Nagas, Yakkas and Raksha. Although the origin of Sri Lankan communities is unclear,[19] genetic studies on Sinhalese have shown that most of the Sinhala community is genetically related to the South Indians as well as Bengalis and Gujaratis.[20][21][22][23][24][25] About half of the Sinhalese population are Goyigama.[12] Of the three native tribes, it is believed that the Dewa are part of the Sinhalese castes.

QMRCaste system in India From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia This article is about Socio-political stratification in Indian society. For religious stratification in Hinduism, see Varna (Hinduism). Gandhi visiting Madras (now Chennai) in 1933 on an India-wide tour for Harijan causes. His speeches during such tours and writings discussed the discriminated-against castes of India. The caste system in India is a system of social stratification[1] which has pre-modern origins, was transformed by the British Raj,[2][3][4][5] and is today the basis of reservation in India. It consists of two different concepts, varna and jāti, which may be regarded as different levels of analysis of this system.[6] Varna may be translated as "class," and refers to the four social classes which existed in the Vedic society, namely Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas and Shudras.[6] Certain groups, now known as Dalits, were historically excluded from the varna system altogether, and are still ostracised as untouchables.[7][page needed][8] Jāti may be translated as caste, and refers to birth. The names of jātis are usually derived from occupations, and considered to be hereditary and endogamous, but this may not always have been the case. The jātis developed in post-Vedic times, possibly from crystallisation of guilds during its feudal era.[9] The jātis are often thought of as belonging to one of the four varnas.[10] Although the varnas and jatis have pre-modern origins, the caste system as it exists today is the result of developments during the collapse of Mughal era and the British colonial regime in India.[2][11] The collapse of Mughal era saw the rise of powerful men who associated themselves with kings, priests and ascetics, affirming the regal and martial form of the caste ideal, and it also reshaped many apparently casteless social groups into differentiated caste communities.[12] The British Raj furthered this development, making rigid caste organisation a central mechanism of administration.[2][11][4][13][page needed][5][14] Between 1860 and 1920, the British segregated Indians by caste, granting administrative jobs and senior appointments only to the upper castes. Social unrest during 1920s led to a change in this policy.[15] From then on, the colonial administration began a policy of positive discrimination by reserving a certain percentage of government jobs for the lower castes. Caste-based differences have also been practiced in other regions and religions in the Indian subcontinent like Nepalese Buddhism,[16] Christianity, Islam, Judaism and Sikhism.[17][18][19] It has been challenged by many reformist Hindu movements,[20] Islam, Sikhism, Christianity [17] and also by present-day Indian Buddhism.[21] New developments took place after India achieved independence, when the policy of caste-based reservation of jobs was formalised with lists of Scheduled Castes (Dalit) and Scheduled Tribes (Adivasi). Since 1950, the country has enacted many laws and social initiatives to protect and improve the socioeconomic conditions of its lower caste population. These caste classifications for college admission quotas, job reservations and other affirmative action initiatives, according to the Supreme Court of India, are based on heredity and are not changeable.[22][a] Discrimination against lower castes is illegal in India under Article 15 of its constitution, and India tracks violence against Dalits nationwide.[23] Definitions and concepts Caste, varna and jāti Varna Main article: Varna (Hinduism) Literally varna means colour, and was a framework for classifying people into classes, first used in Vedic Indian society.[24] It is referred to frequently in the ancient Indian texts.[25] The four classes were the Brahmins (priestly people), the Kshatriyas (also called Rajanyas, who were rulers, administrators and warriors), the Vaishyas (artisans, merchants, tradesmen and farmers), and Shudras (labouring classes).[24] The varna categorisation implicitly had a fifth element, being those people deemed to be entirely outside its scope, such as tribal people and the untouchables.[26] Jāti Main article: Jāti Jāti, meaning birth,[27] is mentioned much less often in ancient texts, where it is clearly distinguished from varna. There are four varnas but thousands of jātis.[25] The jātis are complex social groups that lack universally applicable definition or characteristic, and have been more flexible and diverse than was previously often assumed.[26] Some scholars of caste have considered jāti to have its basis in religion, assuming that in India the sacred elements of life envelope the secular aspects; for example, the anthropologist Louis Dumont described the ritual rankings that exist within the jāti system as being based on the concepts of religious purity and pollution.[28] This view has been disputed by other scholars, who believe it to be a secular social phenomenon driven by the necessities of economics, politics, and sometimes also geography.[27][28][29][30] Jeaneane Fowler says that although some people consider jāti to be occupational segregation, in reality the jāti framework does not preclude or prevent a member of one caste from working in another occupation.[27] A feature of jātis has been endogamy, in Susan Bayly's words, that "both in the past and for many though not all Indians in more modern times, those born into a given caste would normally expect to find marriage partner" within his or her jati.[31][32] In medieval India, the marriage regulations were required to be followed.[33] Jātis have existed in India among Hindus, Muslims, Christians and tribal people, and there is no clear linear order among them.[34] Caste Main article: Caste The term caste is not an Indian word. According to the Oxford English Dictionary, it is derived from the Portuguese casta, meaning "race, lineage, breed" and, originally, "‘pure or unmixed (stock or breed)".[35] There is no exact translation in Indian languages, but varna and jāti are the two most proximate terms.[36] Ghurye's synthesis in 1932 The sociologist G. S. Ghurye wrote in 1932 that, despite much study by many people, we do not possess a real general definition of caste. It appears to me that any attempt at definition is bound to fail because of the complexity of the phenomenon. On the other hand, much literature on the subject is marred by lack of precision about the use of the term.[37] Ghurye offered what he thought was a definition that could be applied across British India, although he acknowledged that there were regional variations on the general theme. His model definition for caste included the following six characteristics,[38] Segmentation of society into groups whose membership was determined by birth[39] A hierarchical system wherein generally the Brahmins were at the head of the hierarchy, but this hierarchy was disputed in some cases. In various linguistic areas, hundreds of castes had a gradation generally acknowledged by everyone[40] Restrictions on feeding and social intercourse, with minute rules on the kind of food and drink that upper castes could accept from lower castes. There was a great diversity in these rules, and lower castes generally accepted food from upper castes[41] Segregation, where individual castes lived together, the dominant caste living in the center and other castes living on the periphery.[42] Restrictions on the use of water well or street by one caste on another, such as an upper caste Brahmin was not permitted to use a street by a lower caste group, while a caste considered impure was not permitted to draw water from a well used by members of other castes[43] Occupation, generally inherited.[44] Lack of unrestricted choice of profession, caste members restricted their own members from taking up certain profession they considered degrading. This characteristic of caste was missing from large parts of India, stated Ghurye, and in these regions all four castes (Brahmins, Ksatriyas, Vaisyas and Sudras) did agriculture labour or became warriors in large numbers[45] Endogamy, restrictions on marrying a person outside caste, but in some situations hypergamy allowed.[46] Far less rigidity on inter-marriage between different sub-castes than between members of different castes in some regions, while in some endogamy within a sub-caste was the principal feature of caste-society.[47] The above Ghurye's model of caste thereafter attracted scholarly criticism[48][49] for relying on the British India census reports,[37][50] the "superior, inferior" racist theories of Risley,[51] and for fitting his definition to then prevalent colonial orientalist perspectives on caste.[52][53][54] Ghurye added, in 1932, that the colonial construction of caste led to the livening up, divisions and lobbying to the British officials for favourable caste classification in India for economic opportunities, and this had added new complexities to the concept of caste.[55][56] Graham Chapman and others have reiterated the complexity, and they note that there are differences between theoretical constructs and the practical reality.[57] Modern perspective on definition Ronald Inden, the Indologist, agrees that there has been no universally accepted definition. For example, for some early European documenters it was thought to correspond with the endogamous varnas referred to in ancient Indian scripts, and its meaning corresponds in the sense of estates. To later Europeans of the Raj era it was endogamous jātis, rather than varnas, that represented caste, such as the 2378 jātis that colonial administrators classified by occupation in the early 20th century.[58] Arvind Sharma, a professor of comparative religion, notes that caste has been used synonymously to refer to both varna and jāti but that "serious Indologists now observe considerable caution in this respect" because, while related, the concepts are considered to be distinct.[59] In this he agrees with the Indologist Arthur Basham, who noted that the Portuguese colonists of India used casta to describe ... tribes, clans or families. The name stuck and became the usual word for the Hindu social group. In attempting to account for the remarkable proliferation of castes in 18th- and 19th-century India, authorities credulously accepted the traditional view that by a process of intermarriage and subdivision the 3,000 or more castes of modern India had evolved from the four primitive classes, and the term 'caste' was applied indiscriminately to both varna or class, and jāti or caste proper. This is a false terminology; castes rise and fall in the social scale, and old castes die out and new ones are formed, but the four great classes are stable. There are never more or less than four and for over 2,000 years their order of precedence has not altered."[25] The sociologist Andre Beteille notes that, while varna mainly played the role of caste in classical Hindu literature, it is jāti that plays that role in present times. Varna represents a closed collection of social orders whereas jāti is entirely open-ended, thought of as a "natural kind whose members share a common substance." Any number of new jātis can be added depending on need, such as tribes, sects, denominations, religious or linguistic minorities and nationalities. Thus, "Caste" is not an accurate representation of jāti in English. Better terms would be ethnicity, ethnic identity and ethnic group.[60] Flexibility Sociologist Anne Waldrop observes that while outsiders view the term caste as a static phenomenon of stereotypical tradition-bound India, empirical facts suggest caste has been a radically changing feature. The term means different things to different Indians. In the context of politically active modern India, where job and school quotas are reserved for affirmative action based on castes, the term has become a sensitive and controversial subject.[61] Sociologists such as M. N. Srinivas and Damle have debated the question of rigidity in caste. In their independent studies, they state that there is considerable flexibility and mobility in the caste hierarchies.[62][63] History Caste system in 19th century India Seventy-two Specimens of Castes in India (18).jpg Hindu musician Seventy-two Specimens of Castes in India (16).jpg Muslim merchant Seventy-two Specimens of Castes in India (8).jpg Sikh chief Seventy-two Specimens of Castes in India (5).jpg Arab soldier Pages from Seventy-two Specimens of Castes in India according to Christian Missionaries in February 1837. They include Hindu, Muslim, Sikh and Arabs as castes of India. Origins There are at least two perspectives for the origins of the caste system in ancient and medieval India.[64][65] One focuses on the ideological factors which are claimed to drive the caste system and holds that caste rooted in the four varnas. This perspective was particularly common among scholars of the British colonial era and was articulated by Dumont, who concluded that the system was ideologically perfected several thousand years ago and has remained the primary social reality ever since. This school justifies its theory primarily by citing Manusmriti and disregards economic, political or historical evidence.[66][67] The second school of thought focuses on socio-economic factors and claims that those factors drive the caste system. It believes caste to be rooted in the economic, political and material history of India.[68] This school, which is common among scholars of the post-colonial era such as Berreman, Marriott, and Dirks, describes the caste system as an ever-evolving social reality that can only be properly understood by the study of historical evidence of actual practice and the examination of circumstances verifiable in the economic, political and material history of India.[69][70] This school has focussed on the historical evidence from ancient and medieval society in India, during the Muslim rule between the 12th and 18th centuries, and the policies of colonial British rule from 18th century to the mid-20th century.[71][72] The first school has focused on religious ethnology and disregarded empirical evidence in history.[73] The second school has focused on empirical evidence and sought to understand the historical circumstances.[74] The latter has criticised the former for its caste origin theory, claiming that it has dehistoricised and decontextualised Indian society.[75][76] Ritual kingship model According to Samuel, referencing George L. Hart, central aspects of the later Indian caste system may be provided by ritual kingship system prior to the arrival of Brahmanism (Vedic period), Buddhism and Jainism in India. This hypothesis is controversial, and the system is derived from South Indian Tamil literature from the Sangam period, dated to the third to sixth centuries CE.[77] This theory discards Indo-Aryan varna model,[78] and is centered on the ritual power of the king, who was "supported by a group of ritual and magical specialists of low social status,"[79] with their ritual occupations being considered 'polluted'. According to Hart, it may be this model that provided the concerns with "pollution" of the members of low status groups.[80] The Hart model for caste origin, writes Samuel, envisions "the ancient Indian society consisting of a majority without internal caste divisions and a minority consisting of a number of small occupationally polluted groups".[81] Vedic varnas The varnas originated in Vedic society (ca.1500-500 BCE). The first three groups, Brahmins, Kshatriyas and Vaishya have parallels with other Indo-European societies, while the addition of the Shudras is probably a Brahmanical invention from northern India.[82] The varna system is propounded in revered Hindu religious texts, and understood as idealised human callings.[83][84] The Purusha Sukta of the Rigveda and Manusmriti's comment on it, being the oft-cited texts.[85] Counter to these textual classifications, many revered Hindu texts and doctrines question and disagree with this system of social classification.[26] Scholars have questioned the varna verse in Rigveda, noting that the varna therein is mentioned only once. The Purusha Sukta varna verse is now generally considered to have been inserted at a later date into the Vedic text, probably as a charter myth. Stephanie Jamison and Joel Brereton, a professor of Sanskrit and Religious studies, state, "there is no evidence in the Rigveda for an elaborate, much-subdivided and overarching caste system", and "the varna system seems to be embryonic in the Rigveda and, both then and later, a social ideal rather than a social reality".[86] In contrast to the lack of details about varna system in the Rigveda, the Manusmriti includes an extensive and highly schematic commentary on the varna system, but it too provides "models rather than descriptions".[87] Susan Bayly summarises that Manusmriti and other scriptures helped elevate Brahmins in the social hierarchy and these were a factor in the making of the varna system, but the ancient texts did not in some way "create the phenomenon of caste" in India.[88] Untouchable outcastes and the varna system The Vedic texts neither mention the concept of untouchable people nor any practice of untouchability.[89] The rituals in the Vedas ask the noble or king to eat with the commoner from the same vessel. Later Vedic texts ridicule some professions, but the concept of untouchability is not found in them.[89][90] The post-Vedic texts, particularly Manusmriti mentions outcastes and suggests that they be ostracised. Recent scholarship states that the discussion of outcastes in post-Vedic texts is different from the system widely discussed in colonial era Indian literature, and in Dumont's structural theory on caste system in India. Patrick Olivelle, a professor of Sanskrit and Indian Religions and credited with modern translations of Vedic literature, Dharma-sutras and Dharma-sastras, states that ancient and medieval Indian texts do not support the ritual pollution, purity-impurity premise implicit in the Dumont theory.[91] According to Olivelle, purity-impurity is discussed in the Dharma-sastra texts, but only in the context of the individual's moral, ritual and biological pollution (eating certain kinds of food such as meat, going to bathroom).[91][92] Olivelle writes in his review of post-Vedic Sutras and Shastras texts, "we see no instance when a term of pure/impure is used with reference to a group of individuals or a varna or caste".[91] The only mention of impurity in the Shastra texts from the 1st millennium is about people who commit grievous sins and thereby fall out of their varna. These, writes Olivelle, are called "fallen people" and considered impure in the medieval Indian texts. The texts declare that these sinful, fallen people be ostracized.[93] Olivelle adds that the overwhelming focus in matters relating to purity/impurity in the Dharma-sastra texts concerns "individuals irrespective of their varna affiliation" and all four varnas could attain purity or impurity by the content of their character, ethical intent, actions, innocence or ignorance (acts by children), stipulations, and ritualistic behaviors.[94] Dumont, in his later publications, acknowledged that ancient varna hierarchy was not based on purity-impurity ranking principle,[95][96] and that the Vedic literature is devoid of untouchability concept.[97] Jātis Jeaneane Fowler, a professor of philosophy and religious studies, states it is impossible to determine how and why the jatis came in existence.[98] Susan Bayly, on the other hand, states that jati system emerged because it offered a source of advantage in an era of pre-Independence poverty, lack of institutional human rights, volatile political environment, and economic insecurity.[99] According to Gupta, during the Mauryan period guilds developed,[9] which crystallised into jatis[9] in post-Mauryan times with the emergence of feudalism in India, which finally crystallised from the 7th to the 12th century.[100] However, other scholars dispute when and how jatis developed in Indian history. Barbara Metcalf and Thomas Metcalf, both professors of History, write, "One of the surprising arguments of fresh scholarship, based on inscriptional and other contemporaneous evidence, is that until relatively recent centuries, social organisation in much of the subcontinent was little touched by the four varnas. Nor were jati the building blocks of society."[101] According to Basham, ancient Indian literature refers often to varnas, but hardly if ever to jātis as a system of groups within the varnas. He concludes that "If caste is defined as a system of group within the class, which are normally endogamous, commensal and craft-exclusive, we have no real evidence of its existence until comparatively late times."[25] Genetic studies A recent series of research papers, by Reich et al. (2009), Metspalu et al. (2011), and Moorjani et al. (2013), make clear that India was peopled by two distinct groups ca. 50,000 years ago, which form the basis for the present population of India.[102][103] These two groups mixed between 4,200 to 1,900 years ago (2200 BCE-100 CE), whereafter a shift to endogamy took place.[104] According to Reich et al., Strong endogamy must have applied since then (average gene flow less than 1 in 30 per generation) to prevent the genetic signatures of founder events from being erased by gene flow. Some historians have argued that “caste” in modern India is an “invention” of colonialism in the sense that it became more rigid under colonial rule. However, our results suggest that many current distinctions among groups are ancient and that strong endogamy must have shaped marriage patterns in India for thousands of years.[102] GaneshPrasad et al. (2013) studied "12 tribal and 19 non-tribal (caste) endogamous populations from the predominantly Dravidian-speaking Tamil Nadu state in the southernmost part of India."[105] According to GaneshPrasad et al., southern India was socially stratified already 4,000 to 6,000 years ago, which is best explained by "the emergence of agricultural technology in South Asia."[105] GaneshPrasad et al. conclude from their genetic study: The social stratification (in Tamilnadu) was established 4,000 to 6,000 years ago and there was little admixture during the last 3,000 years, implying a minimal genetic impact of the Varna (caste) system from the historically-documented Brahmin migrations into the area.[105] The reliability of genome studies in discerning endogamy and caste practices in South Asia have recently been challenged.[106] Nicole Boivin, an archaeologist and South Asia scholar at Oxford University, writes, "the findings of the genome studies [on caste] need to be treated with substantial caution, if not outright skepticism based on problems concerning both the genetic patterns and their interpretation."[107] Vedic period (1500-1000 BCE) During the time of the Rigveda, there were two varnas, the ārya varna and the dāsa varna. The distinction oringally arose from tribal divisions. The Vedic tribes regarded themselves as ārya (the noble ones) and the rival tribes were called dāsa, dasyu and pani. The dāsas were frequent allies of the Aryan tribes, and they were probably assimilated into the Aryan society, giving rise to a class ditinction.[108] Many dāsas were however in a servile position, giving rise to the eventual meaning of dāsa as servant or slave.[109] The Vedic society was not distinguished by occupations. Many hustbandmen and artisans practised a number of crafts. The chariot-maker (rathakāra) and metal worker (karmāra) enjoyed positions of importance and no stigma was attached to them. Similar observations hold for carpentars, tanners, weavers and others.[110] Towards the end of the Atharva Veda period, new class distinctions emerged. The erstwhile dāsas are renamed Shudras, probably to distinguish from the new meaning of dāsa as slave. The āryas are renamed vis or Vaishya (meaning the members of the tribe) and the new elite classes of Brahmins (priests) and Kshatriyas (warriors) are designated as new varnas. The Shudras wwere not only the erstwhile dāsas but also included the aboriginal tribes that were assimilated into the Aryan society as it expanded into Gangetic settlements.[111] There is no evidence of restrictions regarding food and marriage during the Vedic period.[112] Later Vedic period (1000-600 BCE) In an early Upanishad, Shudra as referred to as Pūşan or nourisher, suggesting that Shudras were the tillers of the soil.[113] But soon afterwards, Shudras are not counted among the tax-payers and they are said to be given away along with the land when it is gifted.[114] The majority of the artisans were also reduced to the position of Shudras, but there is no contempt indicated for their work.[115] The Brahmins and the Kshatriyas are given a special position in the rituals, distinguishing them from both the Vaishyas and the Shudras.[116] The Vaishya is said to be "oppressed at will" and the Shudra "beaten at will."[117] Second urbanisation (500-200 BCE) Our knowledge of this period is supplemented by Pali Buddhist texts. Whereas the Brahmanical texts speak of the four-fold varna system, the Buddhist texts present an alternative picture of the society, stratified along the lines of jati, kula and occupations. It is likely that the varna system, while being a part of the Brahmanical ideology, was not operative in the society.[118] In the Buddhist texts, Brahmin and Kshatriya are described as jatis rather than varnas. They were in fact the jatis of high rank. The jatis of low rank were mentioned as chandala and occupational classes like bamboo weavers, hunters, chariot-makers and sweepers. The concept of kulas was broadly similar. Along with Brahmins and Kshatriyas, a class called gahapatis (literally householders, but effectively propertied classes) was also included among high kulas.[119] The people of high kulas were engaged in occupations of high rank, viz., agriculture, trade, cattle-keeping, computing, accounting and writing, and those of low kulas were engaged in low-ranked occupations such as basket-weaving and sweeping.[120] The gahapatis were an economic class of land-holding agriculturists, who employed dasa-kammakaras (slaves and hired labourers) to work on the land. They were the primary taxpayers of the state. This class was apparently not defined by birth, but by individual economic growth.[120] While there was an alignment between kulas and occupations at least at the high and low ends, there was no strict linkage between class/caste and occupation, especially among those in the middle range. Many occupations listed such as accounting and writing were not linked to jatis.[121] Peter Masefield, in his review of caste situation in India states that anyone could in principle perform any profession. The texts state that the Brahmin took food from anyone, suggesting that strictures of commensality were as yet unknown.[122] The Nikaya texts also imply that endogamy was not mandated.[123] The contestations of the period are evident from the texts describing dialogues of Buddha with the Brahmins. The Brahmins maintain their divinely ordained superiority and assert their right to draw service from the lower orders. Buddha responds by pointing out the basic facts of biological birth common to all men and asserts that the ability to draw service is obtained economically, not by divine right. Using the example of the northwest of the subcontinent, Buddha points out that aryas could become dasas and vice versa. This form of social mobility was endorsed by Buddha.[124] Classical period (320-650 CE) The Chinese traveller Xuanzang in the 7th century AD made no mention of any caste system.[122] The Mahabharata, whose final version is estimated to have been completed by about 4th century CE, discusses the Varna system in section 12.181.[125] It offers two models on Varna. The first model describes Varna as color-based system, through a character named Bhrigu, "Brahmins Varna was white, Kshtriyas was red, Vaishyas was yellow, and the Shudras' black".[125] This description is questioned by Bharadvaja who says that colors are seen among all the Varnas, that desire, anger, fear, greed, gried, anxiety, hunger and toil prevails over all human beings, that bile and blood flow from all human bodies, so what distinguishes the Varnas, he asks? The Mahabharata then declares, according to Alf Hiltebeitel, a professor of religion, "There is no distinction of Varnas. This whole universe is Brahman. It was created formerly by Brahma, came to be classified by acts."[125] The epic then recites a behavioral model for Varna, that those who were inclined to anger, pleasures and boldness attained the Kshtriya Varna; those who were inclined to cattle rearing and living off the plough attained the Vaishyas; those who were fond of violence, covetousness and impurity attained the Shudras. The Brahmin class is modeled in the epic, as the archetype default state of man dedicated to truth, austerity and pure conduct.[126] In the Mahabharata and pre-medieval era Hindu texts, according to Hiltebeitel, "it is important to recognise, in theory, Varna is nongenealogical. The four Varnas are not lineages, but categories."[127] Adipurana, an 8th-century text of Jainism by Jinasena, is the earliest mention of varna and jati in Jainism literature.[128] Jinasena does not trace the origin of Varna system to Rigveda or to Purusha, but to the Bharata legend. According to this legend, Bharata performed an "ahimsa-test" (test of non-violence), and during that test all those who refused to harm any living beings were called as the priestly varna in ancient India, and Bharata called them dvija, twice born.[129] Jinasena states that those who are committed to principle of non-harming and non-violence to all living beings are deva-Brāhmaṇas, divine Brahmins.[130] The text Adipurana also discusses the relationship between varna and jati. According to Padmanabh Jaini, a professor of Indic studies, Jainism and Buddhism, the Adipurana text states "there is only one jati called manusyajati or the human caste, but divisions arise account of their different professions".[131] The caste of Kshatriya arose, according to Jainism texts, when Rishabha procured weapons to serve the society and assumed the powers of a king, while Vaishya and Shudra castes arose from different means of livelihood they specialised in.[132] Late classical and early medieval period (650 to 1400 CE) Scholars have tried to locate historical evidence for the existence and nature of varna and jati in documents and inscriptions of medieval India. Supporting evidence for the existence and nature of varna and jati systems in medieval India has been elusive, and contradicting evidence has emerged.[133][134] Varna is rarely mentioned in extensive medieval era records of Andhra Pradesh, for example. This has led Cynthia Talbot, a professor of History and Asian Studies, to question whether varna was socially significant in the daily lives of this region. The mention of Jati is even rarer, through the 13th century. Two rare temple donor records from warrior families of the 14th century CE claim to be Shudras, one states that Shudras are the bravest, the other states Shudras are the purest.[133] Richard Eaton, a professor of History, writes, "anyone could become warrior regardless of social origins, nor do jati - another pillar of alleged traditional Indian society - appear as features of people's identity. Occupations were fluid." Evidence shows, states Eaton, that Shudras were part of the nobility, and many "father and sons had different professions, suggesting that social status was earned, not inherited" in the Hindu Kakatiya population, in the Deccan region of India, between 11th to 14th century CE.[135] In Tamil Nadu region of India, studies by Leslie Orr, a professor of Religion, states, "Chola period inscriptions challenges our ideas about the structuring of (south Indian) society in general. In contrast to what Brahmanical legal texts may lead us to expect, we do not find that caste is the organising principle of society or that boundaries between different social groups is sharply demarcated."[136] In Tamil Nadu the Vellalar were during ancient and medieval period the elite caste who were major patrons of literature.[137][138][139] The Vellalar even rank higher in the social hierarchy than the Brahmins.[140] For northern Indian region, Susan Bayly writes, "until well into the colonial period, much of the subcontinent was still populated by people for whom the formal distinctions of caste were of only limited importance; Even in parts of the so-called Hindu heartland of Gangetic upper India, the institutions and beliefs which are now often described as the elements of traditional caste were only just taking shape as recently as the early eighteenth century - that is the period of collapse of Mughal period and the expansion of western power in the subcontinent."[141] For west India, Dirk Kolff, a professor of Humanities, suggests open status social groups dominated Rajput history during the medieval period. He states, "The omnipresence of cognatic kinship and caste in North India is a relatively new phenomenon that only became dominant in the early Mughal and British periods respectively. Historically speaking, the alliance and the open status group, whether war band or religious sect, dominated medieval and early modern Indian history in a way descent and caste did not."[142] Medieval era, Islamic Sultanates and Mughal empire period (1000 to 1750 CE) Early and mid 20th century Muslim historians, such as Hashimi in 1927 and Qureshi in 1962, proposed that "caste system was established before the arrival of Islam, and it and a nomadic savage lifestyle" in the northwest Indian subcontinent were the primary cause why Sindhi non-Muslims "embraced Islam in flocks" when Arab Muslim armies invaded the region.[143] According to this hypothesis, the mass conversions occurred from the lower caste Hindus and Mahayana Buddhists who had become "corroded from within by the infiltration of Hindu beliefs and practices". This theory is now widely believed to be baseless and false.[144][145] Derryl MacLein, a professor of social history and Islamic studies, states that historical evidence does not support this theory, whatever evidence is available suggests that Muslim institutions in north-west India legitimised and continued any inequalities that existed, and that neither Buddhists nor "lower caste" Hindus converted to Islam because they viewed Islam to lack a caste system.[146] Conversions to Islam were rare, states MacLein, and conversions attested by historical evidence confirms that the few who did convert were Brahmin Hindus (theoretically, the upper caste).[147] MacLein states the caste and conversion theories about Indian society during the Islamic era are not based on historical evidence or verifiable sources, but personal assumptions of Muslim historians about the nature of Islam, Hinduism and Buddhism in northwest Indian subcontinent.[148] Richard Eaton, a professor of History, states that the presumption of a rigid Hindu caste system and oppression of lower castes in pre-Islamic era in India, and it being the cause of "mass conversion to Islam" during the medieval era suffers from the problem that "no evidence can be found in support of the theory, and it is profoundly illogical".[144] Peter Jackson, a professor of Medieval History and Muslim India, writes that the speculative hypotheses about caste system in Hindu states during the medieval Delhi Sultanate period (~1200 to 1500 CE) and the existence of a caste system as being responsible for Hindu weakness in resisting the plunder by Islamic armies is appealing at first sight, but "they do not withstand closer scrutiny and historical evidence".[149] Jackson states that, contrary to the theoretical model of caste where Kshatriyas only could be warriors and soldiers, historical evidence confirms that Hindu warriors and soldiers during the medieval era included other castes such as Vaishyas and Shudras.[150] Further, there is no evidence, writes Jackson, there ever was a "widespread conversion to Islam at the turn of twelfth century" by Hindus of lower caste.[149] Jamal Malik, a professor of Islamic studies, extends this observation further, and states that "at no time in history did Hindus of low caste convert en masse to Islam".[151] Jamal Malik states that caste as a social stratification is a well studied Indian system, yet evidence also suggests that hierarchical concepts, class consciousness and social stratification had already occurred in Islam before Islam arrived in India.[151] The concept of caste, or 'qaum' in Islamic literature, is mentioned by a few Islamic historians of medieval India, states Malik, but these mentions relate to the fragmentation of the Muslim society in India.[152] Zia al-Din al-Barani of Delhi Sultanate in his Fatawa-ye Jahandari and Abu al-Fadl from Akbar's court of Mughal Empire are the few Islamic court historians who mention caste. Zia al-Din al-Barani's discussion, however, is not about non-Muslim castes, rather a declaration of the supremacy of Ashraf caste over Ardhal caste among the Muslims, justifying it in Quranic text, with "aristocratic birth and superior genealogy being the most important traits of a human".[153][154] Irfan Habib, an Indian historian, states that Abu al-Fadl's Ain-i Akbari provides a historical record and census of the Jat peasant caste of Hindus in northern India, where the zamindars (tax collecting noble class), the armed cavalry and infantry (warrior class) doubling up as the farming peasants (working class), were all of the same Jat caste in the 16th century. These occupationally diverse members from one caste served each other, writes Habib, either because of their reaction to taxation pressure of Muslim rulers or because they belonged to the same caste.[155] Peasant social stratification and caste lineages were, states Habib, tools for tax revenue collection in areas under the Islamic rule.[156] The origin of caste system of modern form, in Bengal-region of India, may be traceable to this period, states Richard Eaton.[157] The medieval era Islamic Sultanates in India, he writes, utilized social stratification to rule and collect tax revenue from non-Muslims.[158] Eaton states that, "Looking at Bengal's Hindu society as a whole, it seems likely that the caste system - far from being the ancient and unchanging essence of Indian civilisation as supposed by generations of Orientalists - emerged into something resembling its modern form only in the period 1200-1500".[157] Post-Mughal period (1700 to 1850 CE) Susan Bayly, an anthropologist, notes that "caste is not and never has been a fixed fact of Indian life"[159] and the caste system as we know it today, as a "ritualised scheme of social stratification," developed in two stages during the post-Mughal period, in 18th and early 19th century. Three sets of value played an important role in this development: priestly hierarchy, kingship, and armed ascetics.[160] With the Islamic Mughal empire falling apart in the 18th century, regional post-Mughal ruling elites and new dynasties from diverse religious, geographical and linguistic background attempted to assert their power in different parts of India.[161] Bayly states that these obscure post-Mughal elites associated themselves with kings, priests and ascetics, deploying the symbols of caste and kinship to divide their populace and consolidate their power. In addition, in this fluid stateless environment, some of the previously casteless segments of society grouped themselves into caste groups.[12] However, in 18th century writes Bayly, India-wide networks of merchants, armed ascetics and armed tribals often ignored these ideologies of caste.[162] Most people did not treat caste norms as given absolutes writes Bayly, but challenged, negotiated and adapted these norms to their circumstances. Communities teamed in different regions of India, into "collective classing" to mold the social stratification in order to maximise assets and protect themselves from loss.[163] The "caste, class, community" structure that formed became valuable in a time when state apparatus was fragmenting, was unreliable and fluid, when rights and life were unpredictable.[164] In this environment, states Rosalind O'Hanlon, a professor of Indian History, the newly arrived colonial East India Company officials, attempted to gain commercial interests in India by balancing Hindu and Muslim conflicting interests, by aligning with regional rulers and large assemblies of military monks.[165] The British Company officials adopted constitutional laws segregated by religion and caste.[165] The legal code and colonial administrative practice was largely divided into Muslim law and Hindu law, the latter including laws for Buddhists, Jains and Sikhs. In this transitory phase, Brahmins together with scribes, ascetics and merchants who accepted Hindu social and spiritual codes, became the deferred-to-authority on Hindu texts, law and administration of Hindu matters.[166][b] While legal codes and state administration was emerging in India, with the rising power of the colonial Europeans, Dirks states that the late 18th century British writings on India say little about caste system in India, and predominantly discuss territorial conquest, alliances, warfare and diplomacy in India.[168] Colin Mackenzie, a British social historian of this time, collected vast numbers of texts on Indian religions, culture, traditions and local histories from south India and Deccan region, but his collection and writings have very little on caste system in 18th century India.[169] During British rule (1757 to 1947 CE) Although the varnas and jatis have pre-modern origins, the caste system as it exists today is the result of developments during the post-Mughal period and the British colonial regime, which made caste organisation a central mechanism of administration.[2][3][full citation needed][170][5] Basis Jati were the basis of caste ethnology during the British colonial era. In the 1881 census and thereafter, colonial ethnographers used caste (jati) headings, to count and classify people in what was then British India (now India, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Burma).[171] The 1891 census included 60 sub-groups each subdivided into six occupational and racial categories, and the number increased in subsequent censuses.[172] The British colonial era census caste tables, states Susan Bayly, "ranked, standardised and cross-referenced jati listings for Indians on principles similar to zoology and botanical classifications, aiming to establish who was superior to whom by virtue of their supposed purity, occupational origins and collective moral worth". While bureaucratic British officials completed reports on their zoological classification of Indian people, some British officials criticised these exercises as being little more than a caricature of the reality of caste system in India. The British colonial officials used the census-determined jatis to decide which group of people were qualified for which jobs in the colonial government, and people of which jatis were to be excluded as unreliable.[173] These census caste classifications, states Gloria Raheja, a professor of Anthropology, were also used by the British officials over the late 19th century and early 20th century, to formulate land tax rates, as well as to frequently target some social groups as "criminal" castes and castes prone to "rebellion".[174] The population then comprised about 200 million people, across five major religions, and over 500,000 agrarian villages, each with a population between 100 to 1,000 people of various age groups, which were variously divided into numerous castes. This ideological scheme was theoretically composed of around 3,000 castes, which in turn was claimed to be composed of 90,000 local endogamous sub-groups. [2][13][page needed][175][176][177] Race science Colonial administrator Herbert Hope Risley, an exponent of race science, used the ratio of the width of a nose to its height to divide Indians into Aryan and Dravidian races, as well as seven castes.[178][179] Enforcement Jobs for upper castes The role of the British Raj on the caste system in India is controversial.[181] The caste system became legally rigid during the Raj, when the British started to enumerate castes during their ten-year census and meticulously codified the system.[182][175] Between 1860 and 1920, the British segregated Indians by caste, granting administrative jobs and senior appointments only to the upper castes.[15] Targeting criminal castes and their isolation Starting with the 19th-century, the British colonial government passed a series of laws that applied to Indians based on their religion and caste identification.[183][184][185] These colonial era laws and their provisions used the term "Tribes", which included castes within their scope.[186] This terminology was preferred for various reasons, including Muslim sensitivities that considered castes by definition Hindu, and preferred "Tribes" a more generic term that included Muslims.[186] The British colonial government, for instance, enacted the Criminal Tribes Act of 1871. This law states Simon Cole, a professor of Criminology, Law & Society, declared everyone belonging to certain castes to be born with criminal tendencies.[187] Ramnarayan Rawat, a professor of History and specialising in social exclusion in Indian subcontinent, states that the criminal-by-birth castes under this Act included initially Ahirs, Gujars and Jats, but its enforcement expanded by late 19th century to include most Shudras and untouchables such as Chamars,[188] as well as Sanyassis and hill tribes.[187] Castes suspected of rebelling against colonial laws and seeking self-rule for India, such as the previously ruling families Kallars and the Maravars in south India and non-loyal castes in north India such as Ahirs, Gujars and Jats, were called "predatory and barbarian" and added to the criminal castes list.[189][190] Some caste groups were targeted using the Criminal Tribes Act even when there were no reports of any violence or criminal activity, but where their forefathers were known to have rebelled against Mughal or British authorities,[191][192] or these castes were demanding labour rights and disrupting colonial tax collecting authorities.[193] The colonial government prepared a list of criminal castes, and all members registered in these castes by caste-census were restricted in terms of regions they could visit, move about in or people they could socialise with.[187] In certain regions of colonial India, entire caste groups were presumed guilty by birth, arrested, children separated from their parents, and held in penal colonies or quarantined without conviction or due process.[194][195][196] This practice became controversial, did not enjoy the support of all colonial British officials, and in a few cases, states Henry Schwarz, a professor at Georgetown University specialising in the history of colonial and postcolonial India, this decades-long practice was reversed at the start of the 20th-century with the proclamation that people "could not be incarcerated indefinitely on the presumption of [inherited] bad character".[194] The criminal-by-birth laws against targeted castes was enforced from early 19th century through the mid 20th-century, with an expansion of criminal castes list in west and south India through the 1900s to 1930s.[195][197] Hundreds of Hindu communities were brought under the Criminal Tribes Act. By 1931, the colonial government included 237 criminal castes and tribes under the act in the Madras Presidency alone.[197] While the notion of hereditary criminals conformed to orientalist stereotypes and the prevailing racial theories in Britain during the colonial era, the social impact of its enforcement was profiling, division and isolation of many communities of Hindus as criminals-by-birth.[188][196][198][c] Religion and caste segregated human rights Eleanor Nesbitt, a professor of History and Religions in India, states that the colonial government hardened the caste-driven divisions in British India not only through its caste census, but with a series of laws in early 20th century.[199][200] The British colonial officials, for instance, enacted laws such as the Land Alienation Act in 1900 and Punjab Pre-Emption Act in 1913, listing castes that could legally own land and denying equivalent property rights to other census-determined castes. These acts prohibited the inter-generational and intra-generational transfer of land from land-owning castes to any non-agricultural castes, thereby preventing economic mobility of property and creating consequent caste barriers in India.[199][201] Khushwant Singh a Sikh historian, and Tony Ballantyne a professor of History, state that these British colonial era laws helped create and erect barriers within land-owning and landless castes in northwest India.[201][202] Caste-based discrimination and denial of human rights by the colonial state had similar impact elsewhere in British India.[203][204][205] Social identity Nicholas Dirks has argued that Indian caste as we know it today is a "modern phenomenon,"[d] as caste was "fundamentally transformed by British colonial rule."[e] According to Dirks, before colonialism caste affiliation was quite loose and fluid, but the British regime enforced caste affiliation rigorously, and constructed a much more strict hierarchy than existed previously, with some castes being criminalised and others being given preferential treatment.[13][page needed][14] De Zwart notes that the caste system used to be thought of as an ancient fact of Hindu life and that contemporary scholars argue instead that the system was constructed by the British colonial regime. He says that "jobs and education opportunities were allotted based on caste, and people rallied and adopted a caste system that maximized their opportunity". De Zwart also notes that post-colonial affirmative action only reinforced the "British colonial project that ex hypothesi constructed the caste system".[206] Sweetman notes that the European conception of caste dismissed former political configurations and insisted upon an "essentially religious character" of India. During the colonial period, caste was defined as a religious system and was divorced from political powers. This made it possible for the colonial rulers to portray India as a society characterised by spiritual harmony in contrast to the former Indian states which they criticised as "despotic and epiphenomenal",[207][f] with the colonial powers providing the necessary "benevolent, paternalistic rule by a more 'advanced' nation".[208] Further development Assumptions about the caste system in Indian society, along with its nature, evolved during British rule.[181][g] Corbridge concludes that British policies of divide and rule of India's numerous princely sovereign states, as well as enumeration of the population into rigid categories during the 10-year census, particularly with the 1901 and 1911 census, contributed towards the hardening of caste identities.[211] Social unrest during 1920s led to a change in this policy.[15] From then on, the colonial administration began a policy of positive discrimination by reserving a certain percentage of government jobs for the lower castes.[212] In the round table conference held on August 1932, upon the request of Ambedkar, the then Prime Minister of Britain, Ramsay Macdonald made a Communal Award which awarded a provision for separate representation for the Muslims, Sikhs, Christians, Anglo-Indians, Europeans and Dalits. These depressed classes were assigned a number of seats to be filled by election from special constituencies in which voters belonging to the depressed classes only could vote. Gandhi went on a hunger strike against this provision claiming that such an arrangement would split the Hindu community into two groups. Years later, Ambedkar wrote that Gandhi's fast was a form of coercion.[213] This agreement, which saw Gandhi end his fast and Ambedkar drop his demand for a separate electorate, was called the Poona Pact.[citation needed] After India achieved independence, the policy of caste-based reservation of jobs was formalised with lists of Scheduled Castes (Dalit) and Scheduled Tribes (Adivasi).[citation needed] Other theories and observations Smelser and Lipset propose in their review of Hutton's study of caste system in colonial India the theory that individual mobility across caste lines may have been minimal in British India because it was ritualistic. They state that this may be because the colonial social stratification worked with the pre-existing ritual caste system.[214] The emergence of a caste system in the modern form, during the early British colonial rule in 18th- and 19th-century, was not uniform in South Asia. Claude Markovits, a French historian of colonial India, writes that Hindu society in north and west India (Sindh), in late 18th century and much of 19th century, lacked a proper caste system, their religious identities were fluid (a combination of Saivism, Vaisnavism, Sikhism), and the Brahmins were not the widespread priestly group (but the Bawas were).[215] Markovits writes, "if religion was not a structuring factor, neither was caste" among the Hindu merchants group of northwest India.[216] Contemporary India The massive 2006 Indian anti-reservation protests Caste politics Societal stratification, and the inequality that comes with it, still exists in India,[217][218] and has been thoroughly criticised.[219] Government policies aim at reducing this inequality by reservation, quota for backward classes, but paradoxically also have created an incentive to keep this stratification alive. The Indian government officially recognises historically discriminated communities of India such as the Untouchables under the designation of Scheduled Castes, and certain economically backward Shudra castes as Other Backward Castes.[220] Loosening of caste system Leonard and Weller have surveyed marriage and genealogical records to study patterns of exogamous inter-caste and endogamous intra-caste marriages in a regional population of India between 1900-1975. They report a striking presence of exogamous marriages across caste lines over time, particularly since the 1970s. They propose education, economic development, mobility and more interaction between youth as possible reasons for these exogamous marriages.[221] A 2003 article in The Telegraph claimed that inter-caste marriage and dating were common in urban India. Indian societal and family relationships are changing because of female literacy and education, women at work, urbanisation, the need for two-income families, and global influences through television. Female role models in politics, academia, journalism, business, and India's feminist movement have accelerated the change.[222] Caste-related violence Main article: Caste-related violence in India Independent India has witnessed caste-related violence. According to a 2005 UN report, approximately 31,440 cases of violent acts committed against Dalits were reported in 1996.[223][224][page needed] The UN report claimed 1.33 cases of violent acts per 10,000 Dalit people. For context, the UN reported between 40 and 55 cases of violent acts per 10,000 people in developed countries in 2005.[225][page needed][226] One example of such violence is the Kherlanji Massacre of 2006. Influence on other religions While identified with Hinduism, caste systems are found in other religions on the Indian subcontinent, including groups of Buddhists, Christians and Muslims.[227][228][229][page needed] Christians Main article: Caste system among Indian Christians Social stratification is found among the Christians in India based on caste as well as by their denomination and location.[19] The caste distinction is based on their caste at the time that they or their ancestors converted to Christianity since the 16th-century, they typically do not intermarry, and sit separately during prayers in Church.[19] The earliest reference to caste among Indian Christians comes from Kerala.[need quotation to verify] Duncan Forrester observes that "Nowhere else in India is there a large and ancient Christian community which has in time immemorial been accorded a high status in the caste hierarchy. ... Syrian Christian community operates very much as a caste and is properly regarded as a caste or at least a very caste-like group."[230] Amidst the Hindu society, the Saint Thomas Christians of Kerala had inserted themselves within the Indian caste society by the observance of caste rules and were regarded by the Hindus as a caste occupying a high place within their caste hierarchy.[231][232] Their traditional belief that their ancestors were high-caste Hindus such as Nambudiris and Nairs, who were evangelised by St. Thomas, has also supported their upper-caste status.[233] With the arrival of European missionaries and their evangelistic mission among the lower castes in Kerala, two new groups of Christians, called Latin Rite Christians and New Protestant Christians, were formed but they continued to be considered as lower castes by higher ranked communities, including the Saint Thomas Christians.[231] Muslims Main article: Caste system among South Asian Muslims Caste system has been observed among Muslims in India.[227] They practice endogamy, hypergamy, hereditary occupations, avoid social mixing and have been stratified.[18] There is some controversy[234] if these characteristics make them social groups or castes of Islam. Indian Muslims are a mix of Sunni (majority), Shia and other sects of Islam.[18] From the earliest days of Islam's arrival in South Asia, the Arabic, Persian and Afghan Muslims have been part of the upper, noble caste.[18] Some upper caste Hindus converted to Islam and became part of the governing group of Sultanates and Mughal Empire, who along with Arabs, Persians and Afghans came to be known as Ashrafs (or nobles).[18] Below them are the middle caste Muslims called Ajlafs, and the lowest status is those of the Arzals.[235][236][237] Anti-caste activists like Ambedkar called the Arzal caste among Muslims as the equivalent of Hindu untouchables,[238] as did the controversial colonial British ethnographer Risley.[239] In Bengal, some Muslims refer to the social stratification within their society as qaum (or Quoms),[240] a term that is found among Muslims elsewhere in India, as well as in Pakistan and Afghanistan.[241][242] Qaums have patrilineal hereditary, with ranked occupations and endogamy.[241] Membership in a qaum is inherited by birth.[241] Barth identifies the origin of the stratification from the historical segregation between pak (pure) and paleed (impure) - the former being lighter complexion Arabic in origin, the later being darker skinned native South Asian Muslims.[243] Endogamy is very common in each Muslim qaum in the form of arranged consanguineous marriages among Muslims in India and Pakistan.[244] Malik states that the lack of religious sanction makes qaum a quasi-caste, and something that is found in Islam outside South Asia.[241] Some assert that the Muslim castes are not as acute in their discrimination as those of the Hindus,[245] while critics of Islam assert that the discrimination in South Asian Muslim society is worse.[238] Sikh Although the Sikh Gurus criticised the hierarchy of the caste system, one does exist in Sikh community. According to Sunrinder S, Jodhka, the Sikh religion does not advocate discrimination against any caste or creed, however, in practice, Sikhs belonging to the landowning dominant castes have not shed all their prejudices against the Dalits. While Dalits would be allowed entry into the village gurudwaras they would not be permitted to cook or serve langar (the communal meal). Therefore, wherever they could mobilise resources, the Dalits of Punjab have tried to construct their own gurudwara and other local level institutions in order to attain a certain degree of cultural autonomy.[246] In 1953, the Government of India acceded to the demands of the Sikh leader, Tara Singh, to include Sikh castes of the converted untouchables in the list of scheduled castes. In the Shiromani Gurdwara Prabandhak Committee, 20 of the 140 seats are reserved for low-caste Sikhs.[247][248][page needed] The Sikh literature from the Islamic rule and British colonial era mention Varna as Varan, and Jati as Zat or Zat-biradari. Eleanor Nesbitt, a professor of Religion and author of books on Sikhism, states that the Varan is described as a class system, while Zat has some caste system features in Sikh literature.[249] In theory, Nesbitt states Sikh literature does not recognise caste hierarchy or differences. In practice, states Nesbitt, widespread endogamy practice among Sikhs has been prevalent in modern times, and poorer Sikhs of disadvantaged castes continue to gather in their own places of worship.[199] Most Sikh families, writes Nesbitt, continue to check the caste of any prospective marriage partner for their children.[199] She notes that all Gurus of Sikhs married within their Zat, and they did not condemn or break with the convention of endogamous marriages for their own children or Sikhs in general.[199] QMRPages from Seventy-two Specimens of Castes in India according to Christian Missionaries in February 1837. They include Hindu, Muslim, Sikh and Arabs as castes of India. QMRThe Council of Four was established in 1773 to limit the influence of the Governor-General of India, Warren Hastings. It is sometimes referred to as the Calcutta Council. It consisted of Sir Philip Francis, Lt. General Sir John Clavering, The Honourable Sir George Monson and a designated East India Company servant, Sir Richard Barwell. Phillip Francis was a close friend of the previous Governor, Clive of India. Francis attempted to persuade the other council members that Hastings was a corrupt despot. QMRContact hypothesis (intergroup contact theory)[edit] In 1954, Gordon Allport suggested that by promoting contact between groups, prejudice can be reduced.[44] Further, he suggested four optimal conditions for contact: equal status between the groups in the situation; common goals; intergroup cooperation; and the support of authorities, law, or customs.[45] Since then, over 500 studies have been done on prejudice reduction under variations of the contact hypothesis, and a meta-analytic review suggests overall support for its efficacy.[45] In some cases, even without the four optimal conditions outlined by Allport, prejudice between groups can be reduced.[45] QMRRepresentation of games[edit] See also: List of games in game theory The games studied in game theory are well-defined mathematical objects. To be fully defined, a game must specify the following elements: the players of the game, the information and actions available to each player at each decision point, and the payoffs for each outcome. (Eric Rasmusen refers to these four "essential elements" by the acronym "PAPI".)[3] A game theorist typically uses these elements, along with a solution concept of their choosing, to deduce a set of equilibrium strategies for each player such that, when these strategies are employed, no player can profit by unilaterally deviating from their strategy. These equilibrium strategies determine an equilibrium to the game—a stable state in which either one outcome occurs or a set of outcomes occur with known probability. Most cooperative games are presented in the characteristic function form, while the extensive and the normal forms are used to define noncooperative games. QMrBeginning with the now-iconic phrase "Four score and seven years ago"—referring to the start of the American Revolution in 1776—Lincoln examined the founding principles of the United States as stated in the Declaration of Independence. In the context of the Civil War, Lincoln also memorialized the sacrifices of those who gave their lives at Gettysburg and extolled virtues for the listeners (and the nation) to ensure the survival of America's representative democracy: that "government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth." QMRThe 4-Hour Workweek: Escape 9-5, Live Anywhere, and Join the New Rich (2007) is a self-help book by Timothy Ferriss, an American writer, educational activist, and entrepreneur.[1] The book has spent more than four years on The New York Times Best Seller List, has been translated into 35 languages and has sold more than 1,350,000 copies worldwide.[2][3][4] It focuses on what Ferriss refers to as "lifestyle design" and a repudiation of the traditional "deferred" life plan in which people work grueling hours and take few vacations for decades and save money in order to relax after retirement. In the book, Ferriss uses the acronym "DEAL" for the four main chapters.[9] It stands for Definition, Elimination, Automation, and Liberation.[10] Andre Nickatina on the album Dre Dog depicts his self crucified- The New Jim Jones QMR Alcatraz is one of the most famous prisons in the world. The Alcatraz Federal Penitentiary or United States Penitentiary, Alcatraz Island (often just referred to as Alcatraz) was a maximum high-security Federal prison on Alcatraz Island, 1.25 miles (2.01 km) off the coast of San Francisco, California, USA, which operated from 1934 to 1963. The main four blocks of the jail were A-Block, B-Block, C-Block, and D-Block.The prison cells typically measured 9 feet (2.7 m) by 5 feet (1.5 m) and 7 feet (2.1 m) high. The cells were primitive and lacked privacy, with a bed, a desk and a washbasin and toilet on the back wall, with few furnishings except a blanket. African-Americans were segregated from the rest in cell designation due to racial abuse being prevalent. D-Block housed the worst inmates and five cells at the end of it were designated as "The Hole", where badly behaving prisoners would be sent for periods of punishment, often brutally so. The dining hall and kitchen lay off the main building in an extended part where both prisoners and staff would eat three meals a day together. The Alcatraz Hospital was above the dining hall. The fourth square is always different. D block was different. QMrA mid-November 2013 news report announced that four prisons in Sweden were closed during the year due to a significant drop in the number of inmates. The decrease in the number of Swedish prisoners was considered "out-of-the-ordinary" by the head of Sweden's prison and probation services, with prison numbers in Sweden falling by around 1% a year since 2004. Prisons were closed in the towns of Åby, Håja, Båtshagen, and Kristianstad.[74] QMR Prison bars are quadrants QMRDialogue is typically a conversation between two or more people. These conversations are what constitute relationships, as communication is the very foundation of any relationship. According to Cools, "the four important concepts that form the foundation of dialogism 1) the self and the other situated in contradictory forces, 2) unfinalizability, 3) the chronotope and the carnivalesque, and 4) heteroglossia and utterance".[18] Similarity, in dialogue the following components are the most important: constitutive dialogue, utterance chains, dialectical flux, aesthetic moment, and critical sensibility. Romantic relationships A study of 25 heterosexual married couples was designed to determine what types of dialectical tensions were most prevalent in antagonistic conflicts between spouses. Larry Erbert found that the Openness v. Closedness dialectic was most commonly referenced through examples by participants[15] Research conducted by Baxter and Montgomery confirmed this finding, and broke the dialectic down into four subcategories to further analyze its existence in romantic relationships. Openness with: Refers to an individual’s self-disclosure of information to another. In this idea, three types of information are shared: information deemed to be personal, the individuals feelings or personal opinions, and information regarding one individual's relationship with the other. Openness To: Often this form of Openness is labeled as being attentive or responsive. People respond in cognitive, affective, and behavioral ways. Closedness with: Describes the type of nondisclosive talk that occurs between individuals. It is most often identified as “small talk”, being primarily superficial. The talk is oriented around conversation that requires little or no self-disclosure, allowing for a controlled level informational privacy. Closedness to: Some people experience stress and discomfort when listening to others’ problems. In response to this, some individuals attempt to distance themselves in order to discourage others from confiding in them.[8] QMRThere are four main concepts that form the backdrop of relational dialectics, as well as four major assumptions. Relational Dialectics assumes that "(1.) relationships are not linear, (2.) relational life is characterized by change, (3.) contradiction is the fundamental fact of relational life, and (4.) communication is central to organizing and negotiating relational contradictions".[11] The four core concepts of relational dialectics include: contradiction, totality, process, and praxis. Contradictions are the core concept of Relational Dialectics. It is the dynamic interplay between unified oppositions. A contradiction is formed "whenever two tendencies or forces are interdependent (unity) yet mutually negate one another (negation)".[12] For example, in a relationship one can simultaneously desire intimacy and distance. Totality suggests that contradictions in a relationship are part of a unified whole and cannot be understood in isolation. In other words, the dialectics cannot be separated and are intrinsically related to each other. For example, the tension between dependence and interdependence cannot be separated from the tension between openness and privacy — both work to condition and define the other. Process Relational dialectics must be understood in terms of social processes. Movement, activity, and change are functional properties (Rawlins,1989). For example, instances such as an individual fluctuating between disclosure and secretiveness. In addition, the individual may move between periods of honest and open communication (Miller, 2002, 2005). Praxis is a philosophical term for the concept of 'practical behavior' or sometimes 'the experience of practicing'. In praxis the dialectic tensions are created and re-created through the active participation and interaction. In other words, the practical experience of having a relationship exposes one to the imposition of the needs and value of another. As the relationship endures ones own needs and values become apparent. Praxis focuses on the practical choices individuals make in the midst of the opposing needs and values (dialectical tensions). In turn, the choices and actions themselves create, re-create, and change the nature of the relationship and hence the dialectical tensions themselves. Research has recommended theories which further dialectical understanding in relationships, such as in the marriage, in the workplace, etc. Relational dialectics further includes the idea of Contextual Dialectics, or rather, the idea that every relationship exists within a specific place within a specific culture. From there we also see the raise of public and private/real and ideal dialectics and the interplay between what we see on television in public life, versus what experience within our private lives. Examples of this include politicians as well as TV shows. According to West and Turner, "the tension of the real and ideal dialectic is featured when we think of television shows like Leave It to Beaver: We receive an idealized message of what family life is like, and then when we look at the families we live in, we have to contend with the troublesome realities of family life. The tension between these two images forms this dialectic".[13 QMRThe Taiwan Miracle (Chinese: 台灣奇蹟 or 臺灣奇蹟; pinyin: Táiwān Qíjì) or Taiwan Economic Miracle refers to the rapid industrialization and economic growth of Taiwan during the latter half of the twentieth century. As it has developed alongside Singapore, South Korea and Hong Kong, Taiwan became known as one of the "Four Asian Tigers". QMR The social discipline window is a quadrant based off of two dichotomies Social discipline window[edit] Social Discipline Window. (Wachtel & McCold, adapted from Glaser, 1969) The social discipline window[1][42] is a concept with broad application in many settings. It describes four basic approaches to maintaining social norms and behavioral boundaries. The four are represented as different combinations of high or low control and high or low support. The restorative domain combines both high control and high support and is characterized by doing things with people (collaboratively), rather than to them (coercively) or for them (without their involvement). The social discipline window also defines restorative practices as a leadership model for parents in families, teachers in classrooms, administrators and managers in organizations, police and social workers in communities and judges and officials in government. The fundamental unifying hypothesis of restorative practices is that “human beings are happier, more cooperative and productive, and more likely to make positive changes in their behavior when those in positions of authority do things with them, rather than to them or for them.” This hypothesis maintains that the punitive and authoritarian to mode and the permissive and paternalistic for mode are not as effective as the restorative, participatory, engaging with mode.[43] The social discipline window reflects the seminal thinking of renowned Australian criminologist John Braithwaite, who has asserted that reliance on punishment as a social regulator is problematic because it shames and stigmatizes wrongdoers, pushes them into a negative societal subculture and fails to change their behavior.[44] The restorative approach, on the other hand, reintegrates wrongdoers back into their community and reduces the likelihood that they will reoffend. QMRAnother taxonomy of job performance was proposed and developed for the US Navy by Murphy (1994). This model is significantly broader and breaks performance into only four dimensions. Task-oriented behaviors are similar to task-specific behaviors in Campbell's model. This dimension includes any major tasks relevant to someone's job. Interpersonally oriented behaviors are represented by any interaction the focal employee has with other employees. These can be task related or non-task related. This dimension diverges from Campbell's taxonomy because it included behaviors (small talk, socializing, etc.) that are not targeting an organization's goal. Down-time behaviors are behaviors that employees engage in during their free time either at work or off-site. Down-time behaviors that occur off-site are only considered job performance when they subsequently affect job performance (for example, outside behaviors that cause absenteeism). Destructive/hazardous behaviors QMRThe big four[change | change source] By the 6th century BC some cities became much more important than the others. They were Corinth, Thebes, Sparta, and Athens. The Spartans were very well disciplined soldiers. They defeated the people who lived near them and those people had to farm the land for the Spartans. These "helots" had to give the Spartans part of the food they grew and so the Spartans did not have to work. Instead, they learned how to be better soldiers. There were not many Spartans but there were many helots. Spartan military strength controlled the helots. The Spartans had two hereditary kings who led them in war. At home they were also ruled by a group of old men called the Gerousia (the senate). Athens became a democracy in 510 BC. The men came to a place in the center of the city and decided what to do. It was the first place in the world where the people decided what their country should do. They would talk and then vote on what to do at the Boule (the parliament). But the women did not vote. Athens had slaves. These slaves were owned by their masters and could be sold to someone else. The Athenian slaves were less free than the Spartan helots. Every year, Athenian citizens elected eight generals who led them in war. QMROnly free, land owning, native-born men could be citizens entitled to the full protection of the law in a city-state (later Pericles introduced exceptions to the native-born restriction). In most city-states, unlike the situation in Rome, social prominence did not allow special rights. Sometimes families controlled public religious functions, but this ordinarily did not give any extra power in the government. In Athens, the population was divided into four social classes based on wealth. People could change classes if they made more money. In Sparta, all male citizens were given the title of equal if they finished their education. However, Spartan kings, who served as the city-state's dual military and religious leaders, came from two families. QMRThe history of Ancient Greek coinage can be divided (along with most other Greek art forms) into four periods, the Archaic, the Classical, the Hellenistic and the Roman. The Archaic period extends from the introduction of coinage to the Greek world during the 7th century BC until the Persian Wars in about 480 BC. The Classical period then began, and lasted until the conquests of Alexander the Great in about 330 BC, which began the Hellenistic period, extending until the Roman absorption of the Greek world in the 1st century BC. The Greek cities continued to produce their own coins for several more centuries under Roman rule. The coins produced during this period are called Roman provincial coins or Greek Imperial Coins. Ancient Greek coins of all four periods span over a period of more than ten centuries. QMRThe tetradrachm (Greek: τετράδραχμον) was an Ancient Greek silver coin equivalent to four drachmae.[1] In Athens it replaced the earlier "heraldic" type of didrachms and it was in wide circulation from ca. 510 to ca. 38 BC.[2] History[edit] The transition from didrachms to tetradrachms occurred during ca. 525–510 BC; the abandonment of the "heraldic"-type didrachms and the Archaic tetradrachms (early "owls") of the polis of Athens apparently took place shortly after the Battle of Salamis, 480 BC. This transition is supported by the discovery of contemporary coin hoards, and more particularly of a coin hoard found on the Acropolis in 1886.[3] The Athenian tetradrachm was widely used in transactions throughout the ancient Greek world, including in cities politically unfriendly to Athens.[2] Athens had silver mines in state ownership, which provided the bullion. Most well known were the silver mines of Laurium at a close distance from Athens.[4] The Athenian tetradrachm was stamped with the head of Athena on the obverse, and on the reverse the image of the owl of Athena, the iconographic symbol of the Athenian polis, with a sprig of olive and a crescent for the moon. According to Philochorus, it was known as glaux (γλαύξ, little owl)[5] throughout the ancient world[6] and "owl" in present-day numismatics.[7] The design was kept essentially unchanged for over two centuries, by which time it had become stylistically archaic. To differentiate their currency from the rival coinage of Aegina using the Aeginetic stater of about 12.3 grams, Athens minted its tetradrachm based on the "Attic" standard of 4.3 grams per drachma. The vast number of "owls-tetradrachms" available those days mainly from the silver mines of Laurium financed the several achievements of Athens, such as the reconstruction of the Acropolis and building the Parthenon, as well as many wars, including the Peloponnesian War. The tetradrachm's use as a currency was soon adopted by many other city-states of the ancient Greece, Asia Minor, Magna Grecia and other Greek colonial cities throughout the Mediterranean Sea. With the armies of Alexander the Great it spread to the Greek-influenced areas of present-day Iran and India.[8] Athenian silver didrachm of "heraldic type" from the time of Peisistratos, 545–510 BC. Obverse: Four-spoked wheel. Reverse: Incuse square, divided diagonally QMRThe 5th century BC Athenian tetradrachm ("four drachmae") coin was perhaps the most widely used coin in the Greek world prior to the time of Alexander the Great (along with the Corinthian stater). It featured the helmeted profile bust of Athena on the obverse (front) and an owl on the reverse (back). In daily use they were called γλαῦκες glaukes (owls),[7] hence the proverb Γλαῦκ’ Ἀθήναζε, 'an owl to Athens', referring to something that was in plentiful supply, like 'coals to Newcastle'. The reverse is featured on the national side of the modern Greek 1 euro coin. QMRThe method of proof we shall use is commonly referred to as diagram chasing.[1] We shall prove the five lemma by individually proving each of the 2 four lemmas. QMRConstructs in Warnier/Orr diagrams[edit] There are four basic constructs used on Warnier/Orr diagrams: hierarchy, sequence, repetition, and alternation. There are also two slightly more advanced concepts that are occasionally needed: concurrency and recursion. QMRAccording to the Athenian Constitution, Solon legislated for all citizens to be admitted into the Ekklesia[66] and for a court (the Heliaia) to be formed from all the citizens.[67] The Heliaia appears to have been the Ekklesia, or some representative portion of it, sitting as a jury.[68][69] By giving common people the power not only to elect officials but also to call them to account, Solon appears to have established the foundations of a true republic. However some scholars have doubted whether Solon actually included the Thetes in the Ekklesia, this being considered too bold a move for any aristocrat in the archaic period.[70] Ancient sources[71][72] credit Solon with the creation of a Council of Four Hundred, drawn from the four Athenian tribes to serve as a steering committee for the enlarged Ekklesia. However, many modern scholars have doubted this also.[73][74] There is consensus among scholars that Solon lowered the requirements—those that existed in terms of financial and social qualifications—which applied to election to public office. The Solonian constitution divided citizens into four political classes defined according to assessable property[66][75] a classification that might previously have served the state for military or taxation purposes only.[76] The standard unit for this assessment was one medimnos (approximately 12 gallons) of cereals and yet the kind of classification set out below might be considered too simplistic to be historically accurate.[77] The Areopagus, as viewed from the Acropolis, is a monolith where Athenian aristocrats decided important matters of state during Solon's time. Pentakosiomedimnoi valued at 500 medimnoi or more of cereals annually. eligible to serve as strategoi (generals or military governors) Hippeis valued at 300 medimnoi or more annually. approximating to the medieval class of knights, they had enough wealth to equip themselves for the cavalry Zeugitai valued at a 200 medimnoi or more annually. approximating to the mediaeval class of Yeoman, they had enough wealth to equip themselves for the infantry (Hoplite) Thetes valued up to 199 medimnoi annually or less manual workers or sharecroppers, they served voluntarily in the role of personal servant, or as auxiliaries armed for instance with the sling or as rowers in the navy. QMRThe reforms that Solon initiated dealt with both political and economic issues. The economic power of the Eupatridae was reduced by forbidding the enslavement of Athenian citizens as a punishment for debt, by breaking up large landed estates and freeing up trade and commerce, which allowed the emergence of a prosperous urban trading class. Politically, Solon divided the Athenians into four classes, based on their wealth and their ability to perform military service. The poorest class, the Thetai, (Ancient Greek Θήται) who formed the majority of the population, received political rights for the first time and were able to vote in the Ecclesia (Assembly). But only the upper classes could hold political office. The Areopagus continued to exist but its powers were reduced. The new system laid the foundations for what eventually became Athenian democracy, but in the short-term it failed to quell class conflict and after 20 years of unrest the popular party, led by Peisistratus, a cousin of Solon, seized power (in 541 BC). Peisistratus is usually called a tyrant, but the Greek word tyrannos does not mean a cruel and despotic ruler, merely one who took power by force. Peisistratus was in fact a very popular ruler, who made Athens wealthy, powerful, and a centre of culture, and instituted Athenian naval supremacy in the Aegean Sea and beyond. He preserved the Solonian Constitution, but made sure that he and his family held all the offices of state. Peisistratus died in 527 BC and was succeeded by his sons Hippias and Hipparchus. They proved to be much less adept rulers and in 514 BC, Hipparchus was assassinated in a private dispute over a young man (see Harmodius and Aristogeiton). This led Hippias to establish a real dictatorship, which proved very unpopular. He was overthrown in 510 BC. A radical politician with an aristocratic background named Cleisthenes then took charge, and it was he who established democracy in Athens. The reforms of Cleisthenes replaced the traditional four "tribes" (phyle) with ten new ones, named after legendary heroes and having no class basis; they were in fact electorates. Each 'tribe' was in turn divided into three 'trittyes' and each trittys had one or more demes, which became the basis of local government. The tribes each elected fifty members to the Boule, a council which governed Athens on a day-to-day basis. The Assembly was open to all citizens and was both a legislature and a supreme court, except in murder cases and religious matters, which became the only remaining functions of the Areopagus. Most public offices were filled by lot, although the ten strategoi (generals) were elected. This system remained remarkably stable and, with a few brief interruptions, it remained in place for 170 years, until Philip II of Macedon defeated Athens and Thebes at the Battle of Chaeronea in 338 BC. QMRShikoku (四国?, "four provinces") is the smallest (225 km or 139.8 mi long and between 50 and 150 km or 31.1 and 93.2 mi wide) and least populous (4,141,955 as of 2005) of the four main islands of Japan, located south of Honshu and east of the island of Kyushu. Its ancient names include Iyo-no-futana-shima (伊予之二名島), Iyo-shima (伊予島), and Futana-shima (二名島). The current name refers to the four former provinces that made up the island: Awa, Tosa, Sanuki, and Iyo.[2] QMRSome superstitions that are common in Japan have been imported from other cultures. The Japanese share superstitions with other Asian cultures, particularly the Chinese, with whom they share significant historical and cultural ties. The unluckiness of the number four is one such example, as the Japanese word for "four" sounds like the word for "death". However, unlike most other countries, in Japan, a black cat crossing your path is considered to bring good luck.[2] Four is the square of death. The fourth square is death QMRThe Ministry of Finance of China has established four financial asset management companies (AMCs), one for each of the four commercial state-owned banks. They are: Great Wall AMC [1] - for the Agricultural Bank of China Orient AMC [2] - for the Bank of China China Huarong [3] - for the Industrial and Commercial Bank of China China Cinda [4] - for the China Construction Bank QMR The Big Four is the colloquial name for the four main banks in several countries, where the banking industry is dominated by just four institutions and where the phrase has gained currency. International use[edit] Internationally, the term "Big Four Banks" has traditionally referred to the following central banks:[1] United States The Federal Reserve China The People's Bank of China Japan The Bank of Japan European Union The European Central Bank The Bank of England is occasionally also included in the list:[2] United Kingdom The Bank of England Australia/New Zealand[edit] See also: Banking in Australia In Australia, the "big four banks" refers to the four largest banks[3] by market share, who between them hold 80% of the home loan markets in the country. In 2012, their combined total asset is A$2.66 trillion, which is about 200% of Australian GDP in 2011. In order of size, these are: Commonwealth Bank (CBA) (government owned until 1996) Westpac (WBC) Australia and New Zealand Banking Group (ANZ) National Australia Bank (NAB) A longstanding policy of the federal government in Australia has been to maintain this status quo, called the "four pillars policy". The policy has been maintained through the Global Recession of 2008–09, as Westpac acquired St.George Bank and the Commonwealth Bank acquired Bankwest, reinforcing the special status of the "big four". Being New Zealand's closest neighbour, with very close ties culturally and economically, has helped Australia dominate the banking sector there. Often referred to collectively as the 'big banks'[4][5][6] or the 'big Aussie banks', the "Big Four" Australian banks also dominate the New Zealand banking sector in the form of: Australia and New Zealand Banking Group, or ANZ, also comprising the former business of The National Bank. ASB Bank, formerly Auckland Savings Bank, wholly owned by the Commonwealth Bank The Bank of New Zealand (BNZ), wholly owned by the National Australia Bank Westpac, formerly known as WestpacTrust after a merger with the Trust Bank. Together they hold over 90% of gross loans and advances in New Zealand [7] as well as close to 90% of all mortgages.[8] These four subsidiaries are massively profitable and in some cases even outperform the Australian parent company.[9] The extent to which they dominate the banking sector can be seen in profits: In the 2012/2013 financial year, the largest of the Big Banks, ANZ New Zealand, made a profit of NZ$1.37 billion. The smallest, BNZ, made a profit of NZ$695 million.[4] State-owned Kiwibank, community trust-owned TSB Bank, SBS Bank (formerly Southland Building Society) and Heartland Bank, the next four largest banks by profit, made NZ$97 million,[10] NZ$73.5 million,[11] NZ$14 million[12] and NZ$7 million (albeit with an underlying result of about NZ$30 million) respectively.[13] In other words, the profit of New Zealand's next four largest banks (after the Big Four) is equal to less than 30% of the smallest of the Big Four, BNZ. Brazil[edit] In Brazil, the "big four", according to the Central Bank of Brazil database (http://www4.bcb.gov.br/top50/port/top50.asp) are: Banco do Brasil - The largest bank in Brazil; state-run. Itaú Unibanco - The largest private bank. Caixa Econômica Federal - state-run. Banco Bradesco Canada[edit] See also: Big Five (banks) The term "Big Five", is used as opposed to four, with five banks dominating Canadian banking. The operation of Canadian banks include retail banking, mutual funds, insurance, credit cards, and brokerage activities. In addition, they have large international subsidiaries operated through subsidiaries (i.e. CIBC FirstCaribbean International Bank, and TD Bank, N.A.). The Canadian banking operations of the Big Five are largely conducted out of each parent company, unlike U.S. banks that use a holding company structure to hold their primary retail banking subsidiaries. The Big Five include: Royal Bank of Canada Toronto-Dominion Bank Bank of Nova Scotia Bank of Montreal Canadian Imperial Bank of Commerce China[edit] See also: Banking in China During the 1920s, the term “Big Four” applied to the Four Northern Banks of the Republic of China (i.e. the four most capitalized commercial banks in Northern China).[14] These were the Yien Yieh Commercial Bank, the Kincheng Banking Corporation, the Continental Bank and The China & South Sea Bank. These were contrasted with the Three Southern Banks of Southern China. By 1949, the Big Four banks were the Bank of China, the Bank of Communications, the Central Bank of China and the Farmers Bank of China. All four were state-owned banks. These four, together with Central Trust of China, Postal Savings and Remittance Bureau of China, Central Cooperative Treasury of China, were called the "Four Banks, Two Bureaus, One Treasury" or "四行两局一库".[15] Currently, in the People's Republic of China, the Big Four commercial banks ("四大商业银行") are: Bank of China China Construction Bank Industrial and Commercial Bank of China Agricultural Bank of China and have been described as such in the Western press. All four are state-controlled banks with commercial banking operations. India[edit] In India, the four largest banks by assets are: State Bank of India - The largest bank in India; state-run. ICICI Bank - The largest private bank in India. Punjab National Bank Bank of Baroda Ireland[edit] In Ireland, the term "big four" applies to the four largest banks by market capitalisation.[16][17] These all operate in both the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland, and have a wider international presence.[18] Bank of Ireland Allied Irish Banks (operates as First Trust Bank in Northern Ireland[19] Danske Bank (also operates as Danske Bank in Northern Ireland[20]) - Irish Branch of Danske Bank A/S since 2007. Ulster Bank - Subsidiary of The Royal Bank of Scotland Group since 2000/2001. Ever since Danske Bank has phased out its personal banking services, it has been suggested that either KBC Ireland or Permanent TSB could replace, in the medium-term, Danske Bank in the "Big Four" ranking. Italy[edit] In Italy the term "big four" is not explicitly used. Banks are rated according to the listed market index. The first four are:[21] Intesa Sanpaolo UniCredit UBI Banca Gruppo Mediolanum Japan[edit] In Japan, the "big four" are:[22] Mitsubishi UFJ Financial Group Sumitomo Mitsui Financial Group Mizuho Financial Group Japan Post Bank Pakistan[edit] The "top five" banks of Pakistan are:[23] Habib Bank MCB Bank Limited National Bank of Pakistan United Bank Allied Bank Limited South Africa[edit] In South Africa, the "big four" are:[24] Standard Bank (Not related to Standard Chartered Bank) FirstRand Bank (operators of First National Bank) Nedbank - owned by Old Mutual. Barclays Africa Group Limited trading as ABSA (also capitalised as Absa)- majority owned by Barclays since 2005; remainder owned by the public. Spain[edit] In Spain, the "big four" are:[25] Bankia (Bank of Madrid and Valencia) BBVA (Bank of Bilbao and Biscay) Caixabank (Bank of Barcelona and Catalonia) Santander Sweden[edit] In Sweden, the "big four" are:[26] Nordea Bank AB Skandinaviska Enskilda Banken AB Svenska Handelsbanken AB Swedbank AB United Kingdom[edit] In relation to the United Kingdom, the phrase "big four banks" is currently used to refer to the four largest UK-based banking groups, being: Barclays; HSBC; Lloyds Banking Group; and The Royal Bank of Scotland Group.[27][28] Until 1970, the phrase "big five banks" was used to refer to the five largest UK clearing banks (institutions which clear bankers' cheques), which in England and Wales were: Barclays Bank (now part of Barclays); Midland Bank (now HSBC Bank and part of HSBC); Lloyds Bank (now part of Lloyds Banking Group); National Provincial Bank and Westminster Bank After the merger of Westminster Bank and National Provincial Bank to form NatWest (now part of The Royal Bank of Scotland Group) in 1970, the term "big four" was used. In Scotland the "big four" were: The Royal Bank of Scotland ("RBS") (part of The Royal Bank of Scotland Group); Bank of Scotland (part of Lloyds Banking Group); Clydesdale Bank (part of National Australia Group); and Trustee Savings Bank ("TSB") (now part of TSB Banking Group ).[29] United States[edit] In the United States, the "big four" banks hold 39% of all U.S. customer deposits (as of 2009), and consist of:[30][31] JPMorgan Chase (headquartered in New York, New York, bank chartered in Columbus, Ohio) Bank of America (headquartered and bank chartered in Charlotte, North Carolina) Citigroup (headquartered in New York, New York, bank chartered in Sioux Falls, South Dakota) Wells Fargo (headquartered in San Francisco, California, bank chartered in Sioux Falls, South Dakota) From a retail banking perspective, U.S. Bancorp (headquarters in Minneapolis, Minnesota/bank charter Cincinnati, Ohio) and PNC Financial Services (headquarters in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania/bank charter Wilmington, Delaware) both have significantly more branches than Citibank, the retail banking arm of Citigroup.[32] However, Citibank still has significantly more assets than U.S. Bancorp and PNC.[33] QMRThe "big four" state-owned commercial banks are the Bank of China, the China Construction Bank, the Industrial and Commercial Bank of China and the Agricultural Bank of China. QMRA 14th-century military martyr wears four layers, all patterned and richly trimmed: a cloak with tablion over a short dalmatic, another layer (?), and a tunic The tetragrammic cross emblem of the Palaiologos dynasty, from the 15th-century Harley 6163 manuscript As an insigne, the cross was already in frequent use in Byzantium since Late Antiquity. Since the 6th century, crosses with quartered letters are known, especially from coinage, forming the acronyms of various invocations, e.g. quartered "X"s for Σταυρὲ Χριστοῦ χάριν χριστιανούς χάριζε ("Cross of Christ bestow grace on the Christians") or the letters CΒΡΔ for Σταυρὲ σου βοήθει Ρωμανόν δεσπότην ("Thy Cross aid the Lord Romanos").[19] Images of flags with crosses quartered with golden discs survive from the 10th century, and a depiction of a flag almost identical to the Palaiologan design is known from the early 13th century.[20] The tetragrammic cross appears with great frequency in the 14th and 15th centuries: it appears on Byzantine coins during the joint rule of Andronikos II Palaiologos and his son Michael IX Palaiologos, on several Western portolans to designate Constantinople and other Byzantine cities, above one of the windows of the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus, and is mentioned by the mid-14th century writer Pseudo-Kodinos as "the customary imperial banner [flamoulon]".[17][21][22] On coins, the "B"s were often accompanied by circles or stars up to the end of the Empire, while Western sources sometimes depict the Byzantine flag as a simple gold cross on red, without the "B"s.[23][24] The symbol was also adopted by Byzantine vassals, like the Gattilusi who ruled Lesbos after 1355, or the Latin lords of Rhodes Vignolo dei Vignoli and Foulques de Villaret. It was placed on the walls of Galata, apparently as a sign of the Byzantine emperor's—largely theoretical—suzerainty over the Genoese colony. Along with the double-headed eagle, the tetragrammic cross was also adopted as part of their family coat of arms by the cadet line of the Palaiologos dynasty ruling in Montferrat.[22][25] It was also adopted in Serbia, with slight changes.[26] The interpretation of the emblem's symbolism hinges on the identification of the four devices either as letters or as firesteels, a dispute where even contemporary sources are inconsistent. Thus a late 15th-century French source explicitly refers to them as letters, but a mid-14th century Sevillan traveller and pseudo-Kodinos both call them firesteels (πυρέκβολα, pyrekvola, in Greek). Nevertheless, as Ph. Grierson points out, the use of letters by the Greeks as symbols was a long-established practice, and their identifications as firesteels probably reflects Western influence.[27] The two traditional readings of the four "B"s, Βασιλεὺς βασιλέων βασιλεύων βασιλεύουσιν and Βασιλεὺς βασιλέων βασιλεύοντων βασιλεύει (both meaning "King of Kings ruling over the kings/rulers") were demonstrated by the Greek archaeologist and numismatist Ioannis Svoronos to be later interpretations by the 17th-century historian Marcus Vulson de la Colombière. Svoronos himself proposed three alternate readings: Σταυρὲ βασιλέως βασιλέων βασιλεῖ βοήθει ("Cross of the King of Kings aid the emperor"), Σταυρὲ βασιλέως βασιλέων βασιλευούσῃ βοήθει ("Cross of the King of Kings aid the ruling city [Constantinople]"), and Σταυρὲ βασιλέως βασιλέων βασιλεύων βασίλευε.[28] QMRThe Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster (福島第一原子力発電所事故 Fukushima Dai-ichi (About this sound pronunciation) genshiryoku hatsudensho jiko?) was an energy accident at the Fukushima I Nuclear Power Plant, initiated primarily by the tsunami of the Tōhoku earthquake on 11 March 2011.[6] The damage caused by the tsunami produced equipment failures, and without this equipment a loss-of-coolant accident followed with three nuclear meltdowns and releases of radioactive materials beginning on 12 March.[7] It is the largest nuclear disaster since the Chernobyl disaster of 1986 and the second disaster (after Chernobyl) to be given the Level 7 event classification of the International Nuclear Event Scale.[8] Image on 16 March 2011 of the four damaged reactor buildings. From right to left: Unit 1, 2, 3 and 4. Hydrogen-air explosions occurred in Unit 1, 3 and 4, causing structural damage. A vent in Unit 2's wall, with water vapor/"steam" clearly visible, prevented a similar large explosion. Drone overflights on 20 March captured clearer images.[1] Religion Chapter Buddhism Chapter Nyaya–Vaisesika school[edit] Main articles: Nyaya and Vaisesika The Nyaya–Vaisesika school developed one of the earliest forms of atomism; scholars date the Nyaya and Vaisesika texts from the 6th to 1st centuries BC. Like the Buddhist atomists, the Vaisesika had a pseudo-Aristotelian theory of atomism. They posited the four elemental atom types, but in Vaisesika physics atoms had 24 different possible qualities, divided between general extensive properties and specific (intensive) properties. Like the Jaina school, the Nyaya–Vaisesika atomists had elaborate theories of how atoms combine. In both Jaina and Vaisesika atomism, atoms first combine in pairs (dyads), and then group into trios of pairs (triads), which are the smallest visible units of matter.[23] Buddhist school[edit] Main article: Buddhist atomism The Buddhist atomists had very qualitative, Aristotelian-style atomic theory. According to ancient Buddhist atomism, which probably began developing before the 4th century BC, there are four kinds of atoms, corresponding to the standard elements. Each of these elements has a specific property, such as solidity or motion, and performs a specific function in mixtures, such as providing support or causing growth. Like the Hindu Jains, the Buddhists were able to integrate a theory of atomism with their theological presuppositions. Later Indian Buddhist philosophers, such as Dharmakirti and Dignāga, considered atoms to be point-sized, durationless, and made of energy. QMRFour Ways to Arahantship Sutta Christianity Chapter QMRChristian catacombs[edit] The first large-scale catacombs in the vicinity of Rome were excavated from the 2nd century onwards. They were carved through tufo,[2] a soft volcanic rock, outside the walls of the city, because Roman law forbade burial places within city limits. The pagan custom was to incinerate corpses, while early Christians and Jews buried the dead. Since most Christians and Jews at that time belonged to the lower classes or were slaves, they usually lacked the resources to buy land for burial purposes. Instead, networks of tunnels were dug in the deep layers of tufo which occurred naturally on the outskirts of Rome. At first, these tunnels were probably not used for regular worship, but simply for burial and, extending pre-existing Roman customs, for memorial services and celebrations of the anniversaries of Christian martyrs. There are sixty known subterranean burial chambers in Rome. They were built outside the walls along main Roman roads, like the Via Appia, the Via Ostiense, the Via Labicana, the Via Tiburtina, and the Via Nomentana. Names of the catacombs – like St Calixtus and St Sebastian, which is alongside Via Appia – refer to martyrs that may have been buried there. About 80% of the excavations used for Christian burials date to after the time of the persecutions.[3][need quotation to verify] Excavators (fossors), no doubt slaves, built vast systems of galleries and passages on top of each other. They lie 7–19 metres (23–62 ft) below the surface in an area of more than 2.4 square kilometres (590 acres). Narrow steps that descend as many as four stories join the levels. Passages are about 2.5 by 1 metre (8.2 ft × 3.3 ft). Burial niches (loculi) were carved into walls. They are 40–60 centimetres (16–24 in) high and 120–150 centimetres (47–59 in) long.[citation needed] Bodies were placed in chambers in stone sarcophagi in their clothes and bound in linen. Then the chamber was sealed with a slab bearing the name, age and the day of death. The fresco decorations provide the main surviving evidence for Early Christian art, and initially show typically Roman styles used for decorating homes - with secular iconography adapted to a religious function. The catacomb of Saint Agnes is a small church. Some families were able to construct cubicula which would house various loculi and the architectural elements of the space would offer a support for decoration. Another excellent place for artistic programs were the arcosolia. QMrTitle page of A Brief description of the Fifth Monarchy or Kingdome (1653) by William Aspinwall. QMRThis 1630 engraving of Daniel's vision in chapter 7 by Matthäus Merian follows Jerome's interpretation of the four beasts, but with "Assyria" in place of "Babylon". QMRDaniel's Vision of the Beasts, 1866 engraving by Gustave Doré. QMRThe four kingdoms of Daniel are four kingdoms which, according to the Book of Daniel, will precede the "end-time" and the "Kingdom of God". The four kingdoms[edit] Historical background[edit] The Book of Daniel originated from a collection of legends circulating in the Jewish community in Babylon and Mesopotamia in the Persian and early Hellenistic periods (5th to 3rd centuries BCE), and was later expanded by the visions of chapters 7-12 in the Maccabean era (mid-2nd century).[1] The "four kingdoms" theme appears explicitly in Daniel 2 and Daniel 7, and is implicit in the imagery of Daniel 8. Daniel's concept of four successive world empires is drawn from Greek theories of mythological history;[2] most modern interpreters agree that the four are Babylon, the Medes, Persia and the Greeks.[3] The symbolism of four metals in the statue in chapter 2 is drawn from Persian writings,[2] while the four "beasts from the sea" in chapter 7 reflect Hosea 13:7–8, in which God threatens that he will be to Israel like a lion, a leopard, a bear or a wild beast.[4] The consensus among scholars is that the four beasts of chapter 7, like the metals of chapter 2, symbolise Babylon, Media, Persia and the Seleucid Greeks, with Antiochus IV as the "small horn" that uproots three others (Antiochus usurped the rights of several other claimants to become king).[5] Daniel 2[edit] In chapter 2, Nebuchadnezzar dreams of a statue made of four different materials, dentified as four kingdoms: Head of gold, explicitly identified as King Nebuchadnezzar.[v.37-38] Chest and arms of silver. Identified as an "inferior" kingdom to follow Nebuchadnezzar.[v.39] Belly and thighs of bronze. A third kingdom which shall rule over all the earth.[v.39] Legs of iron with feet of mingled iron and clay Interpreted as a fourth kingdom, strong as iron, but the feet and toes partly of clay and partly of iron show it shall be a divided kingdom.[v.41] Daniel 7[edit] In chapter 7, Daniel has a vision of four beasts coming up out of the sea, and is told that they represent four kingdoms: A beast like a lion with eagle’s wings; A beast like a bear, raised up on one side, with three ribs between its teeth; A beast like a leopard with four wings and four heads; A fourth beast, with large iron teeth and ten horns. This is explained as a fourth kingdom, different from all the other kingdoms; it "will devour the whole earth, trampling it down and crushing it."[v.23] The ten horns are ten kings who will come from this kingdom.[V.24] A further horn (the "little horn") then appears and uproots three of the previous horns: this is explained as a future king. Daniel 8[edit] In chapter 8 Daniel sees a ram with two horns destroyed by a he-goat with a single horn; the horn breaks and four horns appear, followed once again by the "little horn." Schools of thought[edit] From the time of the Protestant Reformation in the 16th century, the "four monarchies" model became widely used by all for universal history, in parallel with eschatology, among Protestants. Some continued to defend its use in universal history in the early 18th century; but the periodization with a "Middle Age" came in strongly from philology, with Christopher Cellarius (1638-1707), based on the distinctive nature of medieval Latin.[6] The modern historicist interpretations and eschatological views of the Book of Daniel with the Book of Revelation closely resemble and continue earlier historical Protestant interpretations. There are references in classical literature and arts that apparently predate the use of the succession of kingdoms in the Book of Daniel. One appears in Aemilius Sura,[7] an author quoted by Velleius Paterculus (c. 19 BC – c. AD 31). This gives Assyria, Media, Persia and Macedonia as the imperial powers. The fifth empire became identified with the Romans. (After the 17th century, the concept of a fifth monarchy was re-introduced from Christian millennarian ideas.) An interpretation that became orthodox[citation needed] after Swain (1940)[8] sees the "four kingdoms" theory becoming the property of Greek and Roman writers at the beginning of the 1st century BCE, as an import from Asia Minor. They built on a three-kingdom sequence, already mentioned by Herodotus (c. 484–425 BC) and by Ctesias (fl. 401 BC).[9] Mendels (1981) contests this dating and origin, placing it[clarification needed] later in the century.[10] Jewish Reconstructionists and Full Preterists believe that Daniel is completely fulfilled, and that the believers are now working to establish the Kingdom of God on earth. Two main schools of thought on the four kingdoms of Daniel, are: the traditionalist view, supporting the conflation of Medo-Persia and identifying the last kingdom as the Roman Empire. the Maccabean thesis, a view that supports the separation of the Medes from the Persians and identifies the last kingdom as the Seleucid Empire.[11] Roman Empire schema[edit] The following interpretation represents a traditional view of Jewish and Christian Historicists, Futurists, Dispensationalists, Partial Preterists, and other futuristic Jewish and Christian hybrids, as well as certain Messianic Jews, who typically identify the kingdoms in Daniel (with variations) as: the Babylonian Empire the Medo-Persian Empire the Greek Empire of Alexander the Roman Empire, with other implications to come later Jerome (c. 347 – 420) described this scheme in his Commentary on Daniel.[12] Within this framework there are numerous variations. Use with Book of Revelation[edit] Christian interpreters typically read the Book of Daniel along with the New Testament's Book of Revelation. The Church Fathers interpreted the beast in Revelation 13 as the empire of Rome.[13] The majority of modern scholarly commentators understand the "city on seven hills" in Revelation as a reference to Rome.[14][15][16][17][18][19][20][21][22][23][24][25][26] Second temple theory[edit] Full Preterists, Idealists, certain Reconstructionists and other non-futurists likewise typically believe in the same general sequence, but teach that Daniel's prophecies ended with the destruction of the Second Temple of Jerusalem, and have few to no implications beyond that. Jewish and Christian Futurists, Dispensationalists, and, to some degree, Partial Preterists believe that the prophecies of Daniel stopped with the destruction of the Second Temple of Jerusalem; but will resume at some point in the future after a gap in prophecy that accounts for the Church Age. Maccabean thesis[edit] Most secular historians and higher critics, and some[which?] contemporary Jewish and Christian scholars, hold that the Book of Daniel was written in approximately 165 BCE as a vaticinium ex eventu of the events leading up to that era.[27] Chapters 8 and 11 describe the conquest of Persia (334-323 BC) by Alexander the Great, the wars between his successors: the Seleucids and the Ptolemys (the King(s) of the North and the King(s) of the South), and the desecration of the Jerusalem temple (ca. 167 BC) by the Seleucid king Antiochus IV Epiphanes (reigned 175-164 BC) in detail. The four kingdoms are viewed as four empires that the author believed had ruled from the time of the mythic Daniel until the time of Antiochus: the Neo-Babylonian Empire the Median Empire, anachronistically implied in the Book of Daniel to be the successor to the Neo-Babylonian Empire rather than contemporaneous the Achaemenid Persian Empire the Macedonian (Greek) Empire of Alexander, and continuing through the Diadochi, the successors to Alexander's empire (in particular the Seleucid Empire) up until the time of Antiochus, seen as the "little horn" king of chapters 7 and 8 "Four kingdoms" are mentioned again in chapter 8, now referring to the kingdoms of the four main successors to Alexander's empire, (the Diadochi, also mentioned in 11:4) - Seleucus, Ptolemy, Lysimachus (c. 360 – 281 BC), and Cassander (ca. 350 – 297 BC) Traditional views[edit] The traditional interpretation of the four kingdoms, shared among Jewish and Christian expositors for over two millennia, identifies the kingdoms as the empires of Babylon, Medo-Persia, Greece and Rome. This view conforms to the text of Daniel, which considers the Medo-Persian Empire as one, as with the "law of the Medes and Persians"(6:8, 12, 15) These views have the support of the Jewish Talmud, medieval Jewish commentators, Christian Church Fathers, Jerome, and Calvin.[28] Jerome specifically identified the four kingdoms of Daniel 2 in this way.[29] The "four monarchies" theory existed alongside the Six Ages and the Three Eras, as general historical structures, in the work of Augustine of Hippo, a contemporary of Jerome.[30] The alternative view which sees the sequence ending with Greece and the Diadochi, thus excluding Rome, is not without historical precedent however. The pagan critic of Christianity, Porphyry, suggested a variation of this interpretation in the third century CE. In the following centuries, several Eastern Christians espoused this view, including Ephrem the Syrian, Polychronius, and Cosmas Indicopleustes.[31] During the Medieval ages the orthodox Christian interpretation followed the commentary by Jerome on the Book of Daniel.[32] It tied the fourth monarchy and its end to the end of the Roman Empire; which was considered not to have yet come to pass. This is the case for example in the tenth-century writer Adso, whose Libellus de Antichristo incorporated the characteristic medieval myth of the Last World Emperor.[33][34] Otto of Freising used the principle of translatio imperii and took the Holy Roman Empire as the continuation of the Roman Empire (as fourth monarchy). Protestant Reformation[edit] See also: Historicism (Christianity) This 1630 engraving of Daniel's vision in chapter 7 by Matthäus Merian follows Jerome's interpretation of the four beasts, but with "Assyria" in place of "Babylon". The eschatological theory of four monarchies was particularly emphasized by a series of Protestant theologians, such as Jerome Zanchius, Joseph Mede, and John Lightfoot.[35] Mede and other writers (such as William Guild, Edward Haughton and Nathaniel Stephens) expected the imminent end of the fourth empire, and a new age.[36] The early modern version of the four monarchies in universal history was subsequently often attributed to the chronologist and astrologer Johann Carion, based on his Chronika (1532). Developments of his Protestant world chronology were endorsed in an influential preface of Philipp Melanchthon (published 1557). The theory was topical in the 1550s. Johann Sleidan in his De quatuor imperiis summis (1556) tried to summarise the status of the "four monarchies" as historical theory; he had already alluded to it in previous works. Sleidan's influential slant on the theory was both theological, with a Protestant tone of apocalyptic decline over time, and an appeal to German nationalist feeling in terms of translatio imperii.[6][37][38] The Speculum coniugiorum (1556) of the jurist Alonso De la Vera Cruz, in New Spain, indirectly analysed the theory. It cast doubts on the Holy Roman Emperor's universal imperium, by pointing out the historical 'monarchies' in question had in no case held exclusive sway.[39] The Carion/Melanchthon view was that the Kingdom of Egypt must be considered a subsidiary power to Babylon: just as France was secondary compared to the Empire.[40] The Foure Monarchies was the title of a long poem by Anne Bradstreet from 1650.[41] Title page of the 1678 edition of her poems . The Catholic Jean Bodin was concerned to argue against the whole theory of 'four monarchies' as a historical paradigm. He devoted a chapter to refuting it, alongside the classical scheme of a Golden Age, in his 1566 Methodus ad facilem historiarum cognitionem.[42] Title page of A Brief description of the Fifth Monarchy or Kingdome (1653) by William Aspinwall. Monument to the Four Kingdoms of Daniel: two each. Monument to the Four Kingdoms of Daniel: two each. The lion represents the King of Babylon, Nebuchadnezzar. The bear represents the Persian King, Cyrus. The leopard represents the King of the Greek Empire, Alexander. The fourth beast represents the Roman Empire, Julius Caesar. Fifth Monarchists[edit] Main article: Fifth Monarchists In the conditions leading to the English Civil War and the disruption that followed, many Protestants were millennarians, believing they were living in the 'end of days'.[43] The Fifth Monarchists were a significant element of the Parliamentary grouping and, in January 1661, after Charles II took the throne following the English Restoration, 50 militant Fifth Monarchists under Thomas Venner attempted to take over London to start the 'Fifth Monarchy of King Jesus'. After the failure of this uprising, Fifth Monarchists became a quiescent and devotional part of religious dissent.[43] Seventh-day Adventist view[edit] See also: Historicism (Christianity) § Book of Daniel The Seventh-day Adventist Church shares the traditional view that the four kingdoms of Daniel, as paralleled in chapters 2 and 7, correspond to the Neo-Babylonian Empire, the Achaemenid Empire, the Macedonian Empire and the Roman Empire. Furthermore, they hold the view that the ram and goat correspond to the Achaemenid Empire, and the Macedonian Empire. They also hold to the traditional view that the "little horn" in Daniel 7:8 refers to the Papacy; the reference to changing "times and law" (Daniel 7:25) refers to the change of the Christian sabbath from Saturday to Sunday, and the attack on the sanctuary (Daniel 8:11) to the mediatorial ministry of Roman Catholic priests.[44] The "time, times and half a time" (Daniel 7:25) represents for Adventists a period of 1260 years from 538 CE to 1798 CE, when the Roman Catholic Church dominated the Christian world.[45] The feet of the statue in Daniel 2, made of mixed iron and clay, represent modern Europe.[46] The Adventist interpretation depends on the day-year principle", the established idea that when used in prophetic context, a day is equivalent to a year QMRChristian pendant of Empress Maria, daughter of Stilicho, and wife of Honorius. Musée du Louvre. The pendant reads, around a central cross (clockwise): HONORI MARIA SERINA VIVATIS STELICHO. The letters form a Christogram It is a cross formation QMRThough not meeting the four miracle requirement to become a saint, Mother Seton was canonized in 1975. QMRStructure of John[edit] There is a widespread scholarly view that John's gospel can be broken into four parts: an introductory part (John 1:-1:18), the Book of signs (1:19 to 12:50), the Book of exaltation (13:1 to 20:31) and an epilogue (chapter 21).[1] QMRIn the Life of Saint Mungo, he performed four miracles in Glasgow. The following verse is used to remember Mungo's four miracles: Here is the bird that never flew Here is the tree that never grew Here is the bell that never rang Here is the fish that never swam The verses refer to the following: The Bird — Mungo restored life to a robin, that had been killed by some of his classmates.[6] The Tree — Mungo had been left in charge of a fire in Saint Serf's monastery. He fell asleep and the fire went out. Taking a hazel branch, he restarted the fire.[8] The Bell — the bell is thought to have been brought by Mungo from Rome. It was said to have been used in services and to mourn the deceased. The original bell no longer exists, and a replacement, created in the 1640s, is now on display in Glasgow. The Fish — refers to the story about Queen Languoreth of Strathclyde who was suspected of infidelity by her husband. King Riderch demanded to see her ring, which he claimed she had given to her lover. In reality the King had thrown it into the River Clyde. Faced with execution she appealed for help to Mungo, who ordered a messenger to catch a fish in the river. On opening the fish, the ring was miraculously found inside, which allowed the Queen to clear her name. (This story may be confused with an almost identical one concerning King Maelgwn of Gwynedd and Saint Asaph.) Mungo's four religious miracles in Glasgow are represented in the city's coat of arms. Glasgow's current motto Let Glasgow flourish by the preaching of His word and the praising of His name and the more secular Let Glasgow flourish, are both inspired by Mungo's original call "Let Glasgow flourish by the preaching of the word".[8] QMRKentigern (Welsh: Cyndeyrn Garthwys; Latin: Kentigernus), known as Mungo, was an apostle of the British Kingdom of Strathclyde in the late 6th century, and the founder and patron saint of the city of Glasgow. QMRIn Christianity, Lectio Divina (Latin for "Divine Reading") is a traditional Benedictine practice of scriptural reading, meditation and prayer intended to promote communion with God and to increase the knowledge of God's Word.[1] It does not treat Scripture as texts to be studied, but as the Living Word.[2] Traditionally, Lectio Divina has four separate steps: read; meditate; pray; contemplate. First a passage of Scripture is read, then its meaning is reflected upon. This is followed by prayer and contemplation on the Word of God.[3] The focus of Lectio Divina is not a theological analysis of biblical passages but viewing them with Christ as the key to their meaning. For example, given Jesus' statement in John 14:27: "Peace I leave with you; my peace I give unto you", an analytical approach would focus on the reason for the statement during the Last Supper, the biblical context, etc. In Lectio Divina, however, the practitioner "enters" and shares the peace of Christ rather than "dissecting" it.[4] In some Christian teachings, this form of meditative prayer leads to an increased knowledge of Christ.[5][6] The roots of Scriptural reflection and interpretation go back to Origen in the 3rd century, after whom St. Ambrose taught them to St. Augustine.[7][8] The monastic practice of Lectio Divina was first established in the 6th century by Saint Benedict and was then formalized as a four-step process by the Carthusian monk Guigo II during the 12th century.[3] In the 20th century, the constitution Dei verbum of the Second Vatican Council recommended Lectio Divina to the general public and its importance was affirmed by Pope Benedict XVI at the start of the 21st century.[9] The four movements of Lectio Divina. Clockwise from top left: Lectio ("read"); Meditatio ("meditate"); Oratio ("pray"); Contemplatio ("contemplate"). Formalization during the late 12th century[edit] A chapel at Grande Chartreuse where Ladder of the Monk was written by Guigo II Seek in reading and you will find in meditation; knock in prayer and it will be opened to you in contemplation — The four stages of Lectio Divina as taught by John of the Cross.[11] The progression from Bible reading, to meditation, to prayer, to loving regard for God, was first formally described by Guigo II, a Carthusian monk and prior of Grande Chartreuse who died late in the 12th century.[3] The Carthusian order follows its own Rule, called the Statutes, rather than the Rule of St Benedict.[3] Guigo II's book The Ladder of Monks is subtitled "a letter on the contemplative life" and is considered the first description of methodical prayer in the western mystical tradition.[19] In Guigo's four stages one first reads, which leads to think about (i.e. meditate on) the significance of the text; that process in turn leads the person to respond in prayer as the third stage. The fourth stage is when the prayer, in turn, points to the gift of quiet stillness in the presence of God, called contemplation.[3][20] Guigo named the four steps of this "ladder" of prayer with the Latin terms lectio, meditatio, oratio, and contemplatio.[3] In the 13th century the Carmelite Rule of St. Albert prescribed to Carmelites the daily prayerful pondering on the Word of God, namely to ruminate day and night the Divine Law. Lectio Divina alongside the daily celebration of liturgy is to this day the pillar of prayer in Carmel. Lectio Divina was practiced by St. Dominic de Guzman, founder of the Dominican Order.[21] In the 14th century, Gerard of Zutphen built on "Guigo's Ladder" to write his major work On Spiritual Ascents.[22] Zutphen warned against considered meditation without reading of scripture, and taught that the reading prepares the mind, so meditation will not fall into error. Similarly, he taught that meditation prepares the mind for contemplation.[22] 16th century[edit] By the beginning of the 16th century, the methods of "methodical prayer" had reached Spain and St. John of the Cross taught the four stages of Guigo II to his monks.[11] During the century, Protestant Reformers such as John Calvin continued to advocate the Lectio Divina.[1] A Reformed version of the Lectio Divina was also popular among the Puritans: Richard Baxter, a Puritan theologian, championed the practice.[1] The four movements of Lectio Divina[edit] Historically, Lectio Divina has been a "community practice" performed by monks in monasteries. Although it can be taken up individually, its community element should not be forgotten.[16] Lectio Divina has been likened to "feasting on the Word": first, the taking of a bite (lectio); then chewing on it (meditatio); savoring its essence (oratio) and, finally, "digesting" it and making it a part of the body (contemplatio).[20] In Christian teachings, this form of meditative prayer leads to an increased knowledge of Christ.[5][6] Unlike meditative practices in Eastern Christianity – for instance, hesychasm, where the Jesus Prayer is repeated many times – Lectio Divina uses different Scripture passages at different times. Although a passage may be repeated a few times, Lectio Divina is not essentially repetitive in nature.[12][28] Lectio ("read")[edit] Hands on the Bible, Albrecht Dürer, 16th century. these are the things God has revealed to us by his Spirit. The Spirit searches all things, even the deep things of God — 1 Corinthians 2:9–10.[29] The first step is the reading of Scripture. In order to achieve a calm and tranquil state of mind, preparation before Lectio Divina is recommended.[2] The biblical reference for preparation via stillness is Psalm 46:10: "Be still, and know that I am God."[2] An example would be sitting quietly and in silence and reciting a prayer inviting the Holy Spirit to guide the reading of the Scripture that is to follow.[16] The biblical basis for the preparation goes back to 1 Corinthians 2:9–10 which emphasizes the role of the Holy Spirit in revealing the Word of God.[29] As in the statement by John the Baptist in John 1:26 that "Christ stands in the midst of those who seek him", the preparatory step should open the mind to finding Christ in the passage being read.[30] Following the preparation the first movement of Lectio Divina is slow and gradual reading of the scriptural passage, perhaps several times.[2] The biblical basis for the reading goes back to Romans 10:8–10 and the presence of God's word in the believer's "mouth or heart". The attentive reading begins the process through which a higher level of understanding can be achieved.[16] In the traditional Benedictine approach the passage is slowly read four times, each time with a slightly different focus.[2] Meditatio ("meditate")[edit] Although Lectio Divina involves reading, it is less a practice of reading than one of listening to the inner message of the Scripture delivered through the Holy Spirit.[2] Lectio Divina does not seek information or motivation, but communion with God. It does not treat Scripture as text to be studied, but as the "Living Word".[2] A Carmelite nun in her cell, meditating on the Bible. The second movement in Lectio Divina thus involves meditating upon and pondering on the scriptural passage. When the passage is read, it is generally advised not to try to assign a meaning to it at first, but to wait for the action of the Holy Spirit to illuminate the mind, as the passage is pondered upon.[2] The English word ponder comes from the Latin pondus which relates to the mental activity of weighing or considering. To ponder on the passage that has been read, it is held lightly and gently considered from various angles. Again, the emphasis is not on analysis of the passage but to keep the mind open and allow the Holy Spirit to inspire a meaning for it.[2] An example passage may be the statement by Jesus during the Last Supper in John 14:27: "Peace I leave with you; my peace I give unto you".[4] An analytical approach would focus on why Jesus said that, the fact that it was said at the Last Supper, and the context within the biblical episode. Other theological analysis may follow, e.g. the cost at which Jesus the Lamb of God provided peace through his obedience to the will of Father, etc.[4] However, these theological analyses are generally avoided in Lectio Divina, where the focus is on Christ as the key that interprets the passage and relates it to the meditator. So rather than "dissecting peace" in an analytical manner, the practitioner of Lectio Divina "enters peace" and shares the peace of Christ. The focus will thus be on achieving peace via a closer communion with God rather than a biblical analysis of the passage. Similar other passages may be "Abide in my love", "I am the Good Shepherd", etc.[4] Oratio ("pray")[edit] Hands in prayer by Otto Greiner, c. 1900 In the Christian tradition, prayer is understood as dialogue with God, that is, as loving conversation with God who has invited us into an embrace. The constitution Dei verbum which endorsed Lectio Divina for the general public, as well as in monastic settings, quoted Saint Ambrose on the importance of prayer in conjunction with Scripture reading and stated:[31][32] And let them remember that prayer should accompany the reading of Sacred Scripture, so that God and man may talk together; for "we speak to Him when we pray; we hear Him when we read the divine saying. Pope Benedict XVI emphasized the importance of using Lectio Divina and prayers on Scripture as a guiding light and a source of direction and stated:[9][31] It should never be forgotten that the Word of God is a lamp for our feet and a light for our path. Contemplatio ("contemplate")[edit] Stained glass of the Holy Spirit as a dove, c. 1660. Contemplation takes place in terms of silent prayer that expresses love for God. The Catechism of the Catholic Church defines contemplative prayer as "the hearing the Word of God" in an attentive mode. It states:[33] Contemplative prayer is silence, the "symbol of the world to come" or "silent love." Words in this kind of prayer are not speeches; they are like kindling that feeds the fire of love. In this silence, unbearable to the "outer" man, the Father speaks to us his incarnate Word, who suffered, died, and rose; in this silence the Spirit of adoption enables us to share in the prayer of Jesus. The role of the Holy Spirit in contemplative prayer has been emphasized by Christian spiritual writers for centuries. In the 12th century, Saint Bernard of Clairvaux compared the Holy Spirit to a kiss by the Eternal Father which allows the practitioner of contemplative prayer to experience union with God.[34] In the 14th century, Richard Rolle viewed contemplation as the path that leads the soul to union with God in love, and considered the Holy Spirit as the center of contemplation.[35] From a theological perspective, God's grace is considered a principle, or cause, of contemplation, with its benefits delivered through the gifts of the Holy Spirit.[36] Other Christian methods[edit] See also: Prayer, meditation and contemplation in Christianity Guigo II Clare of Assisi Read (lectio) Gaze on the Cross (intueri) Meditate (meditatio) Consider (considerare) Pray (oratio) Contemplate (contemplari) Contemplate (contemplatio) Imitate (imitare) While the Lectio Divina has been the key method of meditation and contemplation within the Benedictine, Cistercian and Carthusian orders, other Catholic religious orders have used other methods. An example is another four-step approach, that by Saint Clare of Assisi shown in the table opposite, which is used by the Franciscan order.[37] Saint Clare's method is more visual than Guigo II's which seems more intellectual in comparison.[37] Saint Teresa of Avila's method of "recollection" which uses book passages to keep focus during meditation has similarities to the way Lectio Divina uses a specific Scriptural passage as the centerpiece of a session of meditation and contemplation.[38] It is likely that Teresa did not initially know of Guigo II's methods, although she may have been indirectly influenced by those teachings via the works of Francisco de Osuna which she studied in detail.[39] Islam Chapter QMRTwelvers came to Iran from Arab regions in the course of four stages. First, through the Asharis tribe[clarification needed] at the end of the 7th and during the 8th century. Second through the pupils of Sabzevar, and especially those of Al-Shaykh Al-Mufid, who were from Rey and Sabzawar and resided in those cities. Third, through the school of Hillah under the leadership of Al-Hilli and his son Fakhr al-Muhaqqiqin. Fourth, through the scholars of Jabal Amel residing in that region, or in Iraq, during the 16th and 17th centuries who later migrated to Iran.[53] QMRThe Holy Quran: Text, Translation and Commentary", Abdullah Yusuf Ali, Amana Corporation, Brentwood, MD, 1989. ISBN 0-915957-03-5, passage was quoted from commentary on 4:34 - Abdullah Yusuf Ali in his Quranic commentary also states that: "In case of family jars four steps are mentioned, to be taken in that order. (1) Perhaps verbal advice or admonition may be sufficient; (2) if not, sex relations may be suspended; (3) if this is not sufficient, some slight physical correction may be administered; but Imam Shafi'i considers this inadvisable, though permissible, and all authorities are unanimous in deprecating any sort of cruelty, even of the nagging kind, as mentioned in the next clause; (4) if all this fails, a family council is recommended in 4:35 below." Abdullah Yusuf Ali, The Holy Quran: Text, Translation and Commentary (commentary on 4:34), Amana Corporation, Brentwood, MD, 1989. ISBN 0-915957-03-5. Jump up ^ QMRIslamic polygyny has also appeared as a controversial issue in films. For example, Ayat-ayat Cinta (Verses of Love) was released in Indonesia in 2008. This movie follows the life of Fahri bin Abdillah, a student in Egypt, and his relationships with four other women. The film inspired more open, public discussion on polygyny in Indonesia by calling attention to the conditions of women who enter into polygynous relationships.[61] Another Indonesian movie that tackles the subject of polygyny is Berbagi Suami (Love for Share), which came out in 2006. The director, Nia Dinata, was inspired by her experiences in Indonesia with women who were in polygynous relationships.[62] She acknowledges that every woman reacted in different ways to their marriage but ultimately all felt isolated and saddened by the addition of a new wife.[62] Three stories are told within the movie and all three leading actresses learn to at least outwardly accept their situations, whether they are the first wife finding about the existence of other women or the new addition to the family who has to situate herself in the household hierarchy. QMRMarriage by agreement[edit] The first of the four common marriages that existed in pre-Islamic Arabia was marriage by agreement. This consisted of an agreement between a man and his future wife's family. This marriage could be within the tribe or between two families of different tribes. Some women were forbidden from marrying outside of their tribe and had to either marry another member of the tribe or a stranger who would agree to live with the tribe. In the case that involved a man and woman of two different tribes, the woman would leave her family and permanently reside with her husband. The children of these marriages were considered part of their father's tribe, unless a different arrangement had previously been made which returned the children to their mother's tribe. The reason for inter-tribal marriages was to ensure the protection and possession of the children the couple would produce.[9] Women in inter-tribal marriages had more freedom and retained the right to dismiss or divorce their husbands at any time. The women had precise rituals they used to inform their husbands of their dismissal, such as this: "if they lived in a tent they turned it around, so that if the door faced east, it now faced west, and when the man saw this, he knew that he was dismissed and did not enter".[10] Marriage by capture[edit] The second of the common marriage practices that existed in pre-Islamic Arabia was marriage by capture ("Ba'al" in Arabic). Most often taking place during times of war, marriage by capture occurred when women were taken captive by men from other tribes and placed on the slave market of Mecca. From the slave market these women were sold into marriage or slavery. In captive marriages, men bought their wives and had complete control over them. Women in these marriages had no freedom and were subjected to following their husbands' orders. These women became their husbands' property and had no right to divorce or dismissal of their husbands. They thus completely lost any freedom they may previously have had. Her husband had absolute authority over her, including the exclusive right to divorce. The husbands in these marriages were classified as their wives' lords or owners and had complete control to his wife and her actions.[9] Marriage by purchase[edit] The third of the common marriage practices that existed in pre-Islamic Arabia was "marriage by purchase." This was a more traditional marriage practice. These marriages consisted of the groom or groom's father paying the bride "Mahr", or a dowry; to marry them. The dowry usually consisted of items like camels and horses.[4] Women in "purchased" marriages faced the same oppression as women who were forced into marriages by capture. This practice may have led to a decrease in female infanticide due to the wealth a family could derive from selling their daughter. Women in these marriages were subject to their husbands' control and had very few rights.[9] Marriage by inheritance[edit] The fourth of the common marriage practices that existed in pre-Islamic Arabia was "marriage by inheritance". Arabia was a male-dominated society. Women had no status of any kind other than as sex objects. The number of women a man could marry was not fixed. When a man died, his son inherited all his wives except his own mother. Such "marriage" was "a widespread custom throughout Arabia, including Medina and Mecca".[4] This practice also involved the possessions of a deceased man's wife being passed to his son. In such a case, the son could keep his father's other wives for himself or arrange the above-described marriages by purchase. In these cases, as in the majority of marriage practices at this time, the woman had few or no rights and was required to follow the orders of her inheritor.[9] QMRInjil (Arabic: إنجيل, translit. ʾInjīl, alternative spelling: Ingil ) is the Arabic name for what Muslims believe to be the original Gospel of Jesus (Isa). This Injil is one of the four Islamic holy books the Quran records as revealed by God, the others being the Zabur (possibly the Psalms), the Tawrat (the Torah), and the Quran. The word Injil is derived from the Greek word Εὐαγγέλιον (euangelion)[1] or in Aramaic ܐܘܢܓܠܝܘܢ (awongaleeyoon)[2] which means "good news" (Old English gōdspel; the term injil is also used by Christian Arabs for their gospels; e.g. Gospel of John, (Arabic: إنجيل يوحنا ʾInǧīl Yūḥannā ) as well as Indonesian Christians; e.g. Injil Yohanes). Muslims believe this original Gospel to have been altered over time, and the teachings of Jesus lost and replaced with false teachings, often believed to be at the instigation of Paul the Apostle. Muslims believe that the four canonical gospels of Matthew, Mark, Luke and John and lost Gospels, such as that of Peter, contain fragments of Jesus' message, but that the majority of the original teaching has been altered or lost. Hinduism Chapter QMRIn Hindu philosophy, turiya (Sanskrit: तुरीय, meaning "the fourth") or caturiya, chaturtha, is pure consciousness. It is the background that underlies and transcends the three common states of consciousness of waking consciousness, dreaming, and dreamless sleep.[web 1][web 2] Mandukya Upanishad[edit] Main article: Mandukya Upanishad Turiya is discussed in verse 7 of the Mandukya Upanishad, but the idea is found in the oldest Upanishads. For example, chapters 8.7 through 8.12 of Chandogya Upanishad discuss the "four states of consciousness" as awake, dream-filled sleep, deep sleep, and beyond deep sleep.[1][2] Similarly, Brihadaranyaka Upanishad, in chapter 5.14 discusses Turiya state, as does Maitri Upanishad in sections 6.19 and 7.11.[3] Verse VII of the Mandukya Upanishad describes Turiya:[4] Not inwardly cognitive, nor outwardly cognitive, not both-wise cognitive, not a cognition-mass, not cognitive, not non-cognitive, unseen, with which there can be no dealing, ungraspable, having no distinctive mark, non-thinkable, that cannot be designated, the essence of assurance, of which is the state of being one with the Self the cessation of development, tranquil, benign, without a second, such they think is the fourth. He is the Self (Atman). He should be discerned. — Mandukya Upanishad 7, [4] The insight during meditation of Turiya is known as amātra, the 'immeasurable' or 'measureless' in the Mandukya Upanishad, being synonymous to samādhi in Yoga terminology.[5] Gaudapada[edit] Main article: Gaudapada Gaudapada (ca. 7th century) was an early guru in the Advaita Vedanta. He is traditionally said to have been the grand-guru of the great teacher Adi Shankara,[6] one of the most important figures in Hindu philosophy. He is believed to be the founder of Shri Gaudapadacharya Math, and the author or compiler[7] of the Māṇḍukya Kārikā. Gaudapada wrote or compiled[7] the Māṇḍukya Kārikā, also known as the Gauḍapāda Kārikā and as the Āgama Śāstra.[note 1] In this work, Gaudapada deals with perception, idealism, causality, truth, and reality. The fourth state (turīya avasthā) corresponds to silence as the other three correspond to AUM. It is the substratum of the other three states. It is, states Nakamura, atyanta-shunyata (absolute emptiness).[8] Michael Comans disagrees with Nakamura's thesis that "the fourth realm (caturtha) was perhaps influenced by the Sunyata of Mahayana Buddhism."[note 2] According to Comans, It is impossible to see how the unequivocal teaching of a permanent, underlying reality, which is explicitly called the "Self", could show early Mahayana influence.[9] Comans further refers to Nakamura himself, who notes that later Mahayana sutras such as the Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra and the concept of Buddha-nature, were influenced by Vedantic thought.[9] Comans concludes that [T]here can be no suggestion that the teaching about the underlying Self as contained in the Mandukya contains shows any trace of Buddhist thought, as this teaching can be traced to the pre-Buddhist Brhadaranyaka Upanishad.[9] Isaeva states that there are differences in the teachings in the texts of Buddhism and the Mandukya Upanishad of Hinduism, because the latter asserts that citta "consciousness" is identical with the eternal and immutable atman "soul, self" of the Upanishads.[10] In other words, Mandukya Upanishad and Gaudapada affirm the soul exists, while Buddhist schools affirm that there is no soul or self.[4][11][12] Shiva Sutras of Vasugupta[edit] Main articles: Vasugupta and Shiva Sutras of Vasugupta Vasugupta (860–925) was the author of the famous Shiva Sutras of Vasugupta. The Shiva Sutras are a collection of seventy-seven aphorisms that form the foundation of Kashmir Shaivism. The Shiva Sutras and the ensuing school of Kashmir Shaivism are a Tantric or Agamic tradition. The Tantrics saw themselves as independent of the Vedic mainstream schools of thought and practice, and as beyond the rules that had been put in place by them. According to the Shiva Sutras, Turiya is the fourth state of consciousness beyond the states of waking, dreaming and deep sleep. Turiya strings together those three states. It is the Metaphysical Consciousness distinct from the psychological or empirical self. It is the Saksi or witnessing consciousness. And it is the transcendental Self. According to Swami Shankarananda, To find the Divine in the midst of the ordinary is turiya in the Shaivite sense of the word.[21] Siddha[edit] Main article: Siddha In the Hindu philosophy of Kashmir Shaivism (Hindu tantra), siddha refers to a Siddha Guru who can by way of Shaktipat initiate disciples into Yoga. A Siddham in Tamil means "one who is accomplished" and refers to perfected masters who, according to Hindu belief, have transcended the ahamkara (ego or I-maker), have subdued their minds to be subservient to their Awareness, and have transformed their bodies (composed mainly of dense Rajotama gunas) into a different kind of body dominated by sattva. This is usually accomplished only by persistent meditation. In the Siddha System, the word turiya is not used to describe the fourth state of consciousness.[web 6] The Siddha Literature just mentions it to be the fourth state. The four states of consciousness as described in Siddha are: Nenavu or the wakeful state Kanavu or the dreaming state Sudhubdi or the Unsconscious sleep Thoongamal Thoongi Sukam pookuvathu, the conscious sleep state, or sleepless sleep full of bliss. This is the highest of the four primary states of consciousness. This state has been described as a state achieved by meditation. The Siddha Turiya Meditation is a much coveted state of the consciousness and could be attained through sadhana, transmission through the eyes of master [web 7] etc. This consciousness takes one to the state of sleepless sleep, or the ‘zero’ point — where polarities collapse, duality dissolves, and the self dissolves into the infinite. It will allow you to let go of yourself, to trust your soul, and to experience the ultimate.[web 8][ Vaishnava[edit] Main article: Vaishnavism Vaishnavism is one of the major branches of Hinduism along with Shaivism, Smartism, and Shaktism. It is focused on the veneration of Vishnu. Vaishnavites, or the followers of the Supreme Lord Vishnu, lead a way of life promoting differentiated monotheism, which gives importance to Lord Vishnu and His ten incarnations. The Bhagavata Purana, verse 11.15.16 describes Bhagavan as turiyakhye (the fourth).[web 9] The Bhagavad Gita, verse 7.3[web 10] defines turiya as: Within the material world the Lord appears as the three Visnus (gunas). The original form of the Lord is another form still. He is beyond material nature and thus known as the fourth."[web 11] Gaudiya Vaishnavism[edit] Main article: Gaudiya Vaishnavism Gaudiya Vaishnavism (also known as "Chaitanya Vaishnavism"), is a Vaishnava spiritual movement founded by Chaitanya Mahaprabhu (1486–1534) in India in the 16th century. "Gaudiya" refers to the Gauḍa region (present day Bengal/Bangladesh) with Vaishnavism meaning "the worship of the monotheistic Deity or Supreme Personality of Godhead, often addressed as Krishna, Narayana or Vishnu". Its philosophical basis is primarily that of the Bhagavad Gita and Bhagavata Purana, as well as other Puranic scriptures and Upanishads such as the Isha Upanishad, Gopala Tapani Upanishad, and Kali Santarana Upanishad.[web 12] The Gaudiya Vedantins are interested in turyatitah gopala.[note 4] This is the fifth dimension in which one comes face to face with Gopala Krishna in Braj (Vraja Dhama), from adhoksaja to aprakrta, or from God consciousness to Krishna consciousness. Turyatitah (also spelled turyatita, turya-titah, turiyatita, or turiya-titah) is the experience of the ultimate reality: The fourth dimension, turiya, is the ground of our existence and the goal of all transcendentalists. For the Vedanta philosophers it is perceived variously, either as undifferentiated consciousness or a relationship with the divine. Regarding the latter, Gaudiya Vedanta concludes that love is greater than ourselves, and it is the greatest aspect of God, one that he himself is motivated by. For them, the nondual consciousness of Vedanta philosophy is realized when we know that we do not belong to ourselves, what to speak of anything belonging to us. If there is any time at which we can accurately say that something belongs to us, it is when, having given ourselves in love to God, we can say that 'he is ours'."[web 13] God and the finite souls are related: This is the Krsna (Krishna) conception of Godhead, one in which God appears not as God, nor finite souls as finite souls. Both interrelate intimately as lover and beloved, Krsna and his gopis, beyond any sense of each others' ontological reality, yet beyond the material illusion as well. This dimension of love of Godhead is thus justifiably termed by the Gaudiya Vaisnavas as the fifth dimension, turiya-titah, the dimension of the soul's Soul."[22] The turyatita state of consciousness is reflected in the Sanskrit poem, the Gita Govinda by Jayadeva, and Jiva Gosvami elaborated on this state in the Sandarbhas.[23] QMRFour regulative principles[edit] Bhaktivedanta Swami prescribed four regulative principles, in relation to the four legs of dharma,[17] as the basis of the spiritual life: No meat-eating, including fish or eggs; No illicit sex: only between married couples and only for the procreation of children; No gambling; No intoxicants (including alcohol, caffeine, tobacco and other recreational drugs). The four legs of Dharma are:[17] Daya: Mercy Tapas: Self-Control or Austerity Satyam: Truthfulness (playing any games keeping/for money and/or things) Śaucam: Cleanliness of body and mind QMRHinduism[edit] The Rig Veda mentions that during the Vedic period, a man could have more than one wife.[27] The practice is attested in epics like Ramayana and Mahabharata. The Dharmashastras permit a man to marry women of lower castes provided that the first wife was of equal caste. Despite its existence, it was most usually practiced by men of higher castes and higher status. Common people were only allowed a second marriage if the first wife could not bear a son.[28] According to Vishnu Smriti, the number of wives is linked to the caste system: Now a Brāhmaṇa may take four wives in the direct order of the (four) castes; A Kshatriya, three;. A Vaishya, two A Shudra, one only[29] This linkage of permissibe number of wives to the caste system is also supported by Baudhayana Dharmasutra and Paraskara Grihyasutra.[30][31] The Apastamba Dharmasutra and Manusmriti allow a second wife if the first one is unable to discharge her religious duties or is unable to bear a son.[30] For a Brahmana, only one wife could rank as the chief consort who performed the religious rites (dharma-patni) along with the husband. The chief consort had to be of an equal caste. If a man married several women from the same caste, then eldest wife is the chief consort.[32] Hindu kings commonly had more than one wife and are regularly attributed four wives by the scriptures. They were: Mahisi who was the chief consort, Parivrkti who had no son, Vaivata who is considered the favorite wife and the Palagali who was the daughter of the last of the court officials.[27] The other practice though not well documented is polyandry, where a woman marries more than one man. Draupadi in the epic Mahabharat had five husbands: the Pandavas. Traditional Hindu law allowed polygamy if the first wife could not bear a son.[33] The Hindu Marriage Act was enacted in 1955 by the Indian Parliament and made polygamy illegal for everyone in India except for Muslims. Prior to 1955, polygamy was permitted for Hindus. Marriage laws in India are dependent upon the religion of the parties in question.[34] On 10 February 2015, India's Supreme Court has ruled out the practice of having multiple wives for Muslims arguing that it is not a fundamental right for those who practice Islam and justified the firing of a Uttar Pradesh government employee for violating UP Government Servant Rules following his marriage to a second woman. Justices TK Thakur and AK Goel stated, "What was protected under Article 25 (right to practice and propagate any religion) was the religious faith and not a practice which may run counter to public order, health or morality. Polygamy was not integral part of religion and monogamy was a reform within the power of the State under Article 25."[35] Judaism Chapter QMRThe Israelite story begins with some of the culture heroes of the Jewish people, the Patriarchs. The Torah traces the Israelites to the patriarch Jacob, grandson of Abraham, who was renamed Israel after a mysterious incident in which he wrestles all night with God or an angel. Jacob's twelve sons (in order of birth), Reuben, Simeon, Levi, Judah, Dan, Naphtali, Gad, Asher, Issachar, Zebulun, Joseph and Benjamin, become the ancestors of twelve tribes, with the exception of Joseph, whose two sons Mannasseh and Ephraim, who were adopted by Jacob, become tribal eponyms (Genesis 48).[41] The mothers of Jacob's sons are: Leah: Reuben, Simeon, Levi, Judah, Issachar, Zebulun Rachel: Joseph (Ephraim and Menasseh), Benjamin Bilhah (Rachel's maid): Dan, Naphtali Zilpah (Leah's maid): Gad, Asher (Genesis 35:22–26)[41] Jacob and his sons are forced by famine to go down into Egypt, although Joseph was already there, as he had been sold into slavery while young. When they arrive they and their families are 70 in number, but within four generations they have increased to 600,000 men of fighting age, and the Pharaoh of Egypt, alarmed, first enslaves them and then orders the death of all male Hebrew children. A woman from the tribe of Levi hides her child, places him in a woven basket, and sends him down the Nile river. He is named Mosheh, or Moses, by the Egyptians who find him. Being a Hebrew baby, they award a Hebrew woman the task of raising him, the mother of Moses volunteers, and the child and his mother are reunited QMRStructure[edit] The Shulchan Aruch (and its forerunner, the Beit Yosef) follow the same structure as Arba'ah Turim by Rabbi Jacob ben Asher. These books were written from the standpoint of Sephardi Minhag, other works entitled Shulchan Aruch or Kitzur Shulcan Aruch cited below are written from the standpoint of Ashkenazi Minhag. There are four sections, each subdivided into many chapters and paragraphs. Orach Chayim – laws of prayer and synagogue, Sabbath, holidays; Yoreh De'ah – laws of kashrut; religious conversion; Mourning; Laws pertaining to Israel; Laws of family purity Even Ha'ezer – laws of marriage, divorce and related issues; Choshen Mishpat – laws of finance, financial responsibility, damages (personal and financial), and the rules of the Bet Din, as well as the laws of witnesses Other Religions Chapter QMRLargo di Torre Argentina is a square in Rome, Italy, that hosts four Republican Roman temples, and the remains of Pompey's Theatre. It is located in the ancient Campus Martius.[1] The name of the square comes from the Torre Argentina, which takes its name from the city of Strasbourg, whose Latin name was Argentoratum. In 1503, the Papal Master of Ceremonies Johannes Burckardt, who came from Strasbourg and was known as "Argentinus", built in via del Sudario a palace (now at number 44), called Casa del Burcardo, to which the tower is annexed. The other tower in the square is not the one giving the name to the place, but the Medieval Torre del Papito ("Little Pope's Tower"), attributed by tradition to Antipope Anacletus II Pierleoni, allegedly not a tall person. A map showing Pompey's Theatre and other Roman structures in black and modern structures in red. After Italian unification, it was decided to reconstruct part of Rome (1909), demolishing the zone of Torre Argentina. However, during the demolition work in 1927, the colossal head and arms of a marble statue were discovered. The archeological investigation brought to light the presence of a holy area, dating to the Republican era, with four temples and part of Pompey's Theater. Julius Caesar was killed in the Curia of the Theatre of Pompey, and the spot he was believed to be assassinated is in the square.[2] QMRThe term University of Rome is generally reserved to one of the four public universities in Rome: Sapienza University of Rome, founded in 1303 University of Rome Tor Vergata, founded in 1982 Roma Tre University, founded in 1992 Foro Italico University of Rome, founded in 1998 The four temples, originally designated by the letters A, B, C, and D, front onto a paved street, which was reconstructed in the imperial era, after the fire of AD 80. The area was delineated to the North by the Hecatostylum (one-hundred columns porch) and the Baths of Agrippa, and to the South by the buildings related to the Circus Flaminius, to the East by the great porched square of Porticus Minucia Frumentaria, and to the West by the Theatre of Pompey.[3][4] Temple A was built in the 3rd century BC, and is probably the Temple of Juturna built by Gaius Lutatius Catulus after his victory against the Carthaginians in 241 BC.[5] It was later rebuilt into a church, whose apse is still present. Temple B, a circular temple (tholus) with six columns remaining, was built by Quintus Lutatius Catulus in 101 BC in fulfillment of his vow at the Battle of Vercellae.[6] The temple (aedes) was devoted to Fortuna Huiusce Diei, "the Fortune of This Day." The colossal statue found during excavations and now kept in the Capitoline Museums was the statue of the goddess herself. Only the head, the arms, and the legs were made of marble: the other parts, covered by the dress, were of other materials, probably a wooden frame. This is known as an acrolithic statue. Detail of portrait head of Fortuna huiusce diei Temple C is the most ancient of the three, dating back to 4th or 3rd century BC, and was probably devoted to Feronia the ancient Italic goddess of fertility. After the fire of 80 AD, this temple was restored, and the white and black mosaic of the inner temple cell dates back to this restoration. Temple D is the largest of the four, dates back to 2nd century BC with Late Republican restorations, and was devoted to Lares Permarini (Lares who protect sailors), but only a small part of it has been excavated (a street covers the most of it). It was vowed by the praetor, Lucius Aemilius Regillus, while engaged in a naval battle with the fleet of Antiochus the Great in 190 B.C., and dedicated by M. Aemilius Lepidus, when censor, on 22 December, 179.[7] On the doors of the temple was a dedicatory inscription in Saturnian metre.[8] It is recorded as standing in porticu Minucia[9] and therefore its exact site depends on that of the porticus.[10][11] QMRAmong ancient sources Arnobius provides important information about the theology of Neptune: he writes that according to Nigidius Figulus Neptune was considered one of the Etruscan Penates, together with Apollo, the two deities being credited with bestowing Ilium with its immortal walls. In another place of his work, book VI, Nigidius wrote that, according to the Etrusca Disciplina, his were one among the four genera, types of Penates: of Iupiter, of Neptune, of the underworld and of mortal men. According to another tradition related by a Caesius,[74] also based on the same source, the Etruscan Penates would be Fortuna, Ceres, Genius Iovialis and Pales, this last one being the male Etruscan god (ministrum Iovis et vilicum, domestic and peasant of Jupiter).[75] QMRBloch remarks the possible chtonic character and stricter link of Nethuns with Poseidon to which would hint a series of circumstances, particularly the fact that he was among the four gods (Jupiter, Saturn, Neptune and Tellus in order) the haruspices indicated as needing placation for the prodigy related in Cicero's De haruspicum responso 20, i.e. a cracking sound perceived as coming from the underground in the ager latiniensis. QMRHermione: An old cult of Demeter Chthonia, Kore, and Klymenos (Hades). Cows were pushed into the temple, and then they were killed by four women. It is possible that Hermione was a mythical name, the place of the souls.[20] QMRThe most peculiar feature of the Minoan belief in the divine, is the appearance of the goddess from above in the dance. Dance floors have been discovered in addition to "vaulted tombs", and it seems that the dance was ecstatic. Homer memorializes the dance floor which Daedalus built for Ariadne in the remote past.[45] On the gold ring from Isopata, four women in festal attire are performing a dance between blossoming flowers QMRNestis[edit] In a Classical period text ascribed to Empedocles, c. 490 – 430 BC,[n 3] describing a correspondence among four deities and the classical elements, the name Nestis for water apparently refers to Persephone: "Now hear the fourfold roots of everything: enlivening Hera, Hades, shining Zeus. And Nestis, moistening mortal springs with tears."[16] Of the four deities of Empedocles' elements, it is the name of Persephone alone that is taboo—Nestis is a euphemistic cult title[n 4]—for she was also the terrible Queen of the Dead, whose name was not safe to speak aloud, who was euphemistically named simply as Kore or "the Maiden", a vestige of her archaic role as the deity ruling the underworld. QMRZoroastrian cosmology is divided in four periods of 3,000 years. Zoroaster was born in the beginning of the fourth period, to be succeeded at the end of each next millennium by a new saviour. When Saoshyant, the third and last saviour would come the last judgment and the creation of a new world.[1] Hasidic Explanation of the Merkabah Hasidic thought explains Kabbalah in terms of human psychology. Through this, the Merkabah is a multi-layered analogy that offers insight into the nature of man, the ecosystem, the world, and teaches self-refinement. The four Hayyot angels represent the basic archetypes that God used to create the current nature of the world. Ophanim, which means "ways", are the ways these archetypes combine to create actual entities that exist in the world. For instance, in the basic elements of the world, the lion represents fire, the ox/earth, the man/water, and the eagle/air. However, in practice, everything in the world is some combination of all four, and the particular combination of each element that exist in each thing are its particular Ophanim or ways. The 'Man on the throne' in the vision of Ezekiel descriptively represents God, who is controlling everything that goes on in the world, and how all of the archetypes He set up should interact. The 'Man on the throne', however, drives when the four angels connect their wings. This means that God will not be revealed to us by us looking at all four elements (for instance) as separate and independent entities. However, when one looks at the way that earth, wind, fire and water (for instance) which all oppose each other are able to work together and coexist in complete harmony in the world, this shows that there is really a higher power (God) telling these elements how to act. This very lesson carries over to explain how the four basic groups of animals and the four basic archetypal philosophies and personalities reveal a higher, Godly source when one is able to read between the lines and see how these opposing forces can and do interact in harmony. A person should strive to be like a Merkaba, that is to say, he should realize all the different qualities, talents and inclinations he has (his angels). They may seem to contradict, but when one directs his life to a higher goal such as doing God's will he (the man on the chair driving the chariot) will see how they all can work together and even complement each other. Ultimately, we should strive to realize how all of the forces in the world, though they may seem to conflict, can unite when one knows how to use them all to fulfill a higher purpose; namely to serve God. QMrKey texts[edit] The ascent texts are extant in four principal works, all redacted well after the third but certainly before the ninth century CE. They are: 1) Hekhalot Zutartey ("The Lesser Palaces"), which details an ascent of Rabbi Akiva; 2) Hekhalot Rabbati ("The Greater Palaces"), which details an ascent of Rabbi Ishmael; 3) Ma'aseh Merkabah ("Account of the Chariot"), a collection of hymns recited by the "descenders" and heard during their ascent; and 4) Sepher Hekhalot ("Book of Palaces," also known as 3 Enoch), which recounts an ascent and divine transformation of the biblical figure Enoch into the archangel Metatron, as related by Rabbi Ishmael. A fifth work provides a detailed description of the Creator as seen by the "descenders" at the climax of their ascent. This work, preserved in various forms, is called Shi'ur Qomah ("Measurement of the Body"), and is rooted in a mystical exegesis of the Song of Songs, a book reputedly venerated by Rabbi Akiva. The literal message of the work was repulsive to those who maintained God's incorporeality; Maimonides (d. 1204) wrote that the book should be erased and all mention of its existence deleted. While throughout the era of merkabah mysticism the problem of creation was not of paramount importance, the treatise Sefer Yetzirah ("Book of Creation") represents an attempted cosmogony from within a merkabah milieu. This text was probably composed during the seventh century, and evidence suggests Neoplatonic, Pythagoric, and Stoic influences. It features a linguistic theory of creation in which God creates the universe by combining the 22 letters of the Hebrew alphabet, along with emanations represented by the ten numerals, or sefirot. QMRAccording to Kabalah, there are four worlds and our world is the last world: the world of action (Assiyah). Angels exist in the worlds above as a 'task' of God. They are an extension of God to produce effects in this world. After an angel has completed its task, it ceases to exist. The angel is in effect the task. This is derived from the book of Genesis when Abraham meets with three angels and Lot meets with two. The task of one of the angels was to inform Abraham of his coming child. The other two were to save Lot and to destroy Sodom and Gomorrah.[15] QMRChangyuraptor is a genus of "four-winged", predatory dinosaurs. It is known from a single fossil specimen representing the species Changyuraptor yangi, which was discovered from Early Cretaceous (125 million year old) deposits in Liaoning Province, China.[1] C. yangi belongs to the group of dromaeosaurid theropod dinosaurs called the Microraptorinae.[1] At the time of its discovery, C. yangi was the largest four-winged dinosaur known.[1][2] QMRTheropods (gliding/flying). There were several species of theropod dinosaur thought to be capable of gliding or flying, that are not classified as birds (though they are closely related). Some species (Microraptor gui, Microraptor zhaoianus, Cryptovolans pauli, and Changyuraptor) have been found that were fully feathered on all four limbs, giving them four 'wings' that they are believed to have used for gliding or flying. One species, Deinonychus antirrhopus, may display partial volancy, with the young being capable of flight while the adults are flightless, a characteristic also seen in some modern birds like the Horned coot and the Flying steamer duck. In popular culture The 2013 American film, Lone Survivor, starring Mark Wahlberg, is based on Operation Red Wings. W. Stanley Proctor did a work for the Veteran's Memorial Park in Cupertino, California called The Guardians, which commemorates the SEALS killed in the operation. It is one of the first sculptured memorials to those who served in the War in Afghanistan.[52][53][54][55][56][57] It is a large sculpture of two Navy SEALs killed in the line of duty in Afghanistan in 2005. It was dedicated by Secretary of the Navy Donald Winter in November 2007.[52] The sculpture depicts Matthew Axelson and James Suh in full combat equipment.[58] The event inspired the war movie Lone Survivor.[58] Proctor offered his opinion to the Tallahassee Democrat that it is "my best work yet".[58] Because of his scrupulous devotion to realistic depictions of humans, Proctor was the personal choice of Axelson's family for the project, and they made that recommendation to the committee.[59] QMRThe Philadelphia Wings were a member of the National Lacrosse League, a professional box lacrosse league in North America from 1986 until 2014. They played at the Spectrum (1986–96) and the Wells Fargo Center (1997-2014) in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. The Wings were one of the four original teams in the Eagle Pro Box Lacrosse League that began play in 1987 and the only team to reclaim its identity from the original 1974-75 National Lacrosse League and also retained the first Philadelphia Wings logo. QMRThe Four Commanderies of Han (漢四郡, 한사군) are Lelang, Lintun, Xuantu and Zhenfan commanderies in northern Korean Peninsula and part of the Liaodong Peninsula.[1][2] set up by Emperor Wu of the Han dynasty in early 2nd century BC after his conquest of Wiman Joseon. The commanderies were set up to control the populace in the area as far south as the Han River, with a core area at Lelang near present-day P'yongyang,[3] which was previously under the control of Gojoseon. The accurate positions of the commanderies other than Lelang commandery are still under debate.